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India Today
June 1, 1998


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COVER STORY
Hawkish India
Cont...

 

VAJPAYEE'S COMBAT STRATEGY

Hawk at Home: From day zero the prime minister decided that on the domestic front, he would allow his ministers and partymen to beat the drum of nuclear weaponisation and talk tough. After some initial hiccups, he began to evolve an across-the-board consensus for the tests and refused to allow the BJP to hog the credit.

Dove Abroad: Vajpayee was firm that only the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) would manage the task of mitigating international outrage. He instructed officials to reassure world leaders and policy-makers India's intention was peaceful and it would behave responsibly.

War Council: To personally monitor the crisis, Vajpayee formed a crisis team that included his political advisers, principal secretary and key MEA officials whom he met everyday between 8.30 a.m. and 9.30 a.m. to formulate strategy, assess the progress and, if necessary, make mid-course corrections.

Personal Touch: Vajpayee personally wrote to 177 world leaders, assigned 10 MEA joint secretaries to ensure these letters were delivered within 24 hours of the tests. In addition, he was personally in touch with several key world leaders to explain to them India's stand.

Action Stations: The foreign secretary was asked to keep all embassies on their toes. To monitor all foreign coverage, to keep track of adverse coverage and brief correspondents on India's position. Ambassadors such as Naresh Chandra were asked to go on CNN too.

 

CTBT
To Sign or Not to Sign

Vajpayee with MisraThough all nuclear-capable states -- the latest being India -- have declared they will not conduct any more nuclear tests, the CTBT has yet to come into force. At the insistence of the UK and China, the treaty included Article 14, which states that it would not come into force till 44 designated countries had signed it. Despite its protests, India was placed on that list. As of now, only 13 countries have ratified the treaty, the latest being the UK and France, who did so in April. The signatories will review their options next year.

The basic obligations of the CTBT are contained in Article 1 in two clauses of just nine lines each. Each signatory agrees not to carry out any nuclear weapons test and refrain from "causing, encouraging" them. The rest of the 191-page document details how the implementation of this treaty will be organised and how the crucial verification system will work.

To get a sceptical US Senate to ratify the treaty, President Bill Clinton attached a six-point package of "safeguards" to ensure the US nuclear weapons remain ready to use forever, despite the test ban. Most important is the "stockpile stewardship programme", which will spend over $3 billion (Rs 12,000 crore) for a National Ignition Facility -- a lab where the conditions of nuclear fusion can be replicated by laser energy -- and $517 million (Rs 2,068 crore) for a super computer 1,000 times faster than anything today for simulating N-tests. The US has also continued with so-called sub-critical tests where weapons and assemblies and even fissile material are tested in a way that there is no self-sustaining nuclear fission.

Other countries had their own "clarifications". Germany, for instance, declared that nothing in the treaty could be interpreted to prevent the "research into and development of controlled thermonuclear fusion ..." All this only makes it clear, in the words of US nuclear weapons' scientist Richard L. Garwin, that the CTBT "is not a treaty by which nuclear weapon states agree to give up their weapons, reduce their numbers or even stop their development". Delhi's May 13 declaration that the tests generated data for computer simulations and "for attaining the capability to carry out sub-critical experiments if considered necessary" seems to have made it clear that India will keep up with the scientific Joneses and retain the option to develop weapons even if it agrees to sign the CTBT.

-Manoj Joshi

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