Exclusive interview: Atal Bihari
Vajpayee
"In coalitions compromises are a
must"The Government's image
has in recent times plummeted but the Prime Minister deflects charges of inertia and
defends his policies vehemently.
 It is easy to understand why in his
seven months in office Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has, barring a TV
interview and an earlier exclusive interview to this magazine, studiously stayed away from
the media. Though his popularity ratings remain intact -- more than the combined tally of
various opposition leaders -- the image of his Government, buffeted as it is by demanding
allies and internal wranglings, has in recent times plummeted. The strain has begun to
show. The man who relished the crowds and the TV cameras and was known for his friendly
informality is these days guarded in his comments. Editor Prabhu Chawla first
spoke to him for this interview on the flight that brought the Prime Minister back from
the UN General Assembly session in New York earlier this month. There were four more
sittings during the last fortnight that stretched to over three hours. During these he was
mostly surrounded by a select group of bureaucrats, assisting him in formulating major
policy shifts in core sectors which are expected to be announced. Vajpayee, it seemed, was
in a hurry to deflect the charges of inertia. Excerpts from the interview:
When your Government took charge over six months ago,
there was a sense of optimism among the people. That seems to have been belied. Besides
merely staying in power, what are the achievements of your Government?
Let me make one thing clear. I have never considered mere survival in power as any
achievement, just as I have never seen coming to power as an achievement in itself. For
me, power was never an attraction. I chose to sit on the opposition benches for more than
40 years, never compromising on my basic convictions just to switch to the treasury
benches. If I have to identify anything as my achievement in the first six months, it is
that I am steering the nation through some of the most turbulent times for Indian
democracy.
How would you rate your own performance in the last
six months?
We inherited a mess. And I have just started the process of cleaning up. I expect
the results to become visible soon.
The Congress had promised to function as a
constructive opposition party? Do you think it is a responsible opposition?
The Congress did not claim to form the government in March and it did not lend
support to other parties interested in forming the government because of its own
compulsions. The mandate of the February-March parliamentary elections was clearly against
the Congress and the United Front and in favour of the BJP and its allies. If the Congress
party and its leader Sonia Gandhi are truly sincere in their promise of constructive
opposition, then they should desist from any attempt to create instability in the country.
Do you consider the coming assembly polls a
referendum on the performance of your Government?
India is a vibrant democracy with a remarkable plurality of political parties at
the national and regional levels. Since the mid-1950s no political party has been able to
establish complete dominance all over the country. I don't think the assembly elections
will be a referendum on my Government's performance.
You sound slightly unsure about the BJP's prospects?
No. I am confident that the BJP will do better. At the same time I must
emphasise that the voters, by and large, vote for local issues during the assembly
elections.
 There is a general feeling that on
the anti-corruption plank your Government is moving slowly. The CBI under you has not
proceeded forcefully.
My Government stands committed to fighting corruption. We have done a lot in six
months. We introduced the Lokpal Bill which brings even the prime minister in its ambit.
As far as specific cases of corruption are concerned, they are being investigated
vigorously and the country will soon know their outcome. This includes the Bofors case
too.
Just when it seemed your Government was settling
down, it went and botched up everything by playing the Bihar card.
We did not play any card in Bihar. For us governance is not a petty game of cards.
It is a serious matter. We respect the views of the honourable President and have no
intention of returning to him the cabinet's recommendation to impose President's rule in
Bihar for the time being. This, however, does not change our judgment that what is
happening in Bihar is a mockery of democracy.
Your meeting with Nawaz Sharif in Colombo was a
fiasco. Yet you hit it off well with him in New York. Has India become more accommodating
or has Pakistan climbed down? Or is it because of pressure from the US?
India is willing to go more than half way in improving relations with Islamabad if
Pakistan stops internationalising the Kashmir issue and invites any third party into the
picture. India is a proud and sovereign country. We do not take any decisions under
pressure from the US or any other power.
Nawaz Sharif is already saying that India has
accepted Kashmir as the core issue.
As far as Kashmir is concerned, it undoubtedly is a crucial issue determining the
content and contours of the relationship between India and Pakistan. What successive
Indian governments have been telling Islamabad is that we need not and should not hold
progress in our bilateral relations hostage to the resolution of this issue. There is
immense scope to advance on other issues like trade and commerce. My message to the people
and rulers of Pakistan is: As neighbours, we want peace and friendship and cooperation
with you so that together we can change the face of South Asia.
Does it mean that you are also promoting the Gujral
Doctrine?
No. I must tell you that even Pakistan has not accepted the Gujral Doctrine.
The opposition is criticising you for the
cancellation of President Clinton's visit to the region.
If there is indeed any such criticism from the opposition, it is frivolous. We will
welcome President Clinton whenever he wishes to visit India and I look forward to a
fruitful meeting with him. The cancellation doesn't seem to be on account of Indo-US
relations.
You have indicated that India could sign the CTBT
now. What has changed between May 11 and now?
Our opposition to signing the CTBT has never been blind. We have achieved what we
wanted to by exercising the nuclear option with the Pokhran nuclear tests on May 11. There
is a qualitative change in the situation after this historic event. We are now a de facto
and de jure nuclear power. India's nuclear status is a reality and not a conferment given
by others. It is our own accomplishment based on solid reasons of national security.
We still have serious reservations in signing the CTBT in its
present form and we have been communicating our views forcefully in our talks with the US
and other countries. For example, one of our major concerns is about ratification. Will
every signatory to the treaty give an undertaking about ratification by their respective
legislatures within a stipulated time?
What kind of assurances are you expecting from the
US?
We cannot possibly be conducting our negotiations with the US through the media.
Let us leave it to our able representatives. Let me assure the people of India that our
national interest will be fully protected during these negotiations.
Coming to domestic politics, your Government seems to
be thriving on the tina factor.
It is totally wrong to say that our Government is enjoying the benefit of the tina
(There Is No Alternative) factor. What is at work is the tira (There Is a Real
Alternative) factor. And in spite of the delicate parliamentary arithmetic, we will not
let the people down.
How is it to deal with so many coalition partners?
In a coalition, there is always the need to take into account the views of all the
partners. But the dharma of coalition politics is that partners raise only legitimate
issues and not unreasonable ones that weaken good governance and create political
instability.
What plans do you have to revive the economy?
In the present international context, India is among the few
countries to have a high GDP growth, with modest inflation and balanced development. I
have said earlier that we should grow at 7-8 per cent a year for the next few years in
order to make a real and visible dent in poverty and unemployment. Increased investment
opportunities in agriculture and industry, according high priority to infrastructure
development, promotion of information technology, restoration of buoyancy to the capital
market and reinvigorating the entrepreneurial spirit will be critical in achieving this
objective.
In the past few months, my Government has taken many steps to
remove infrastructural bottlenecks, especially in power. You will begin to see the results
soon.
But isn't there a need to take bold and quick
decisions?
As you know, I have announced a number of action-oriented initiatives in my October
24 speech at the FICCI annual session. Within the next month, the Government will take
major initiatives to boost the capital market, untie knots in the telecom sector, begin
work on mega-projects in the housing, highway and airports sectors, and remove unnecessary
clearances. We also propose to take new initiatives based on the recommendations of the
six task forces created by the Council on Trade and Industry on infrastructure, capital
markets and financial sector reforms, agro-processing, service sector, knowledge as an
industry and legal and administrative changes.
Soon we will announce many other decisions aimed at putting
the fiscal deficit in order. We propose to take credible measures at strengthening our
financial system to avoid the mistakes made in South East Asia. We have begun a major
exercise to increase our growth where we have a competitive advantage, like software,
agriculture, and pharmaceuticals. We are also planning radical PSU reforms aimed at
generating a higher return for the nation on its investments in the public sector. We will
create an environment that attracts the best NRI and foreign talent to come and work for
our benefit, instead of the other way round.
How do you rate the performance of your finance
minister -- good, satisfactory or dismal?
All finance ministers are hemmed in by circumstances -- both domestic and
international. In these trying times, I think Yashwant Sinha is doing a very good job.
What is your relationship with the RSS? Is it true
that the RSS dictated the selection of your ministers and their portfolios?
This is not true. I chose my own team and distributed the portfolios. But I do
consult my colleagues and allies on major decisions.
The RSS is opposing your economic policy saying it is
moving in the wrong direction.
If anyone advocates self-reliance how can you describe it as moving in a wrong
direction? Self-reliance means swavalamban. Its opposite is pravalamban or reliance on
others. How can any sensible or patriotic person advocate pravalamban in the economic
sphere? It is a suicidal prescription.
But they say the country should be totally
self-reliant.
Self-reliance should not be equated with isolationism. We are living in an
increasingly inter-dependent world where globalisation is an undeniable reality. The
challenge before India is how to strengthen our national economy by seizing the
opportunities of globalisation and yet be able to successfully ward off the attendant
dangers. Swavalamban, sahayog (cooperation) and a cautious approach to globalisation are
thus complementary to each other. They do not contradict each other.
Why did you set up advisory councils on trade and
economic policy within the PMO? Were there inadequacies in the existing set-up in the
Finance Ministry.
Not at all. As a government that is committed to accelerated and all-round economic
growth, we think we should seek constructive suggestions and ideas from all sections --
business, industry, labour and even academics. Only last week I had a useful meeting with
a group of eminent economists. I will also be soon meeting leading representatives of
trade unions. I shall welcome good counsel even from the Opposition with regard to
economic policy and management. I believe in partnership and a participatory approach to
governance.
Increasingly, there is talk of a growing rift between
you and Home Minister L.K. Advani.
The media has been unfair to both of us. Advaniji and I have worked together as a
team for over 40 years. Nothing has happened to change that equation and we are perfect
teammates.
There are reports that your party does not give you
the support that you need to take crucial decisions. Also, that you keep to yourself and
have little interest in party affairs.
Again it is a figment of someone's imagination. It is the BJP that put me here. And
I get all the support I need from the party.
In successive Congress governments, the leader of the
government was also the leader of the party. Some people say that this provided a better
governance since the leader had a better grip over the organisation as well as the
government. Do you subscribe to this view?
It may have worked in the Congress but the BJP is different. We are not
authoritarian like the Congress. We are a democratic party. In our set-up there is place
for all shades of opinion. Ultimately, ours is a collective leadership. And that's a big
difference from the past.
Are you leading the nation or are you being led by
others?
I am not a dictator. Nor do I intend to become one. Coalition politics imposes its
own conditions on governance. If you have to carry your partners with you, then we must
make some sacrifices.
There is a public perception that you are being
blackmailed by some people within your own party and your alliance partners.
No. No one can blackmail me. Whatever I have been doing and am doing is in the
interest of the government and the country.
Is the BJP capable of being an active partner in a
coalition since it basically believes in functioning alone?
The BJP can go ahead with its own agenda only if we have a majority on our own.
Right now we are learning the intricacies and problems of coalition politics. And we are
fast learners.
Have the responsibilities of office weighed you down?
Are you the same Atalji?
I have always tried to be truthful to whatever I set out to do. No office can
induce any changes in me or alter my commitments. I am and will remain the same person
that I have always been. |
