Cover Story: Congress: Sonia's Private Party

The desperate bid for power was led by a four- man coterie in 10 Janpath skilled in manipulative politics.

The credit, however dubious, for the coup d'etat in the 12th Lok Sabha -- which ousted the BJP-led ministry in an intra-session recess -- should go to Sonia Gandhi. And to her tiny coterie comprising two political has-beens, a septuagenarian former bureaucrat and a fiercely loyal personal assistant.

The 113-year-old Congress, despite its trappings of inner-party democracy, acted as an innocent bystander to the month-long drama that resulted in the putsch by its president. Some party functionaries acted, at best, as errand boys wielding curiously uniform-looking Nokia cell phones. But instructions flowed into their handsets from Sonia's war-council members: Arjun Singh and M.L. Fotedar, the two Congressmen who deserted the party as late as 1994 to resurface in 1996; R.D. Pradhan, former Union home secretary whom Sonia appointed her adviser in the party; and Vincent George, her trusted pa.

Sonia's attempt to hijack the government was, of course, a pale imitation of that by her mother-in-law, Indira, in 1979 when she used Charan Singh as a stepping stone to snatch the government back from the Janata Party. But in hijacking the party Sonia displayed as much dexterity as Indira in 1969 when she was in power and in 1978 when she was not. Only Indira had to split the party on both occasions while Sonia bypassed it. Without a murmur of protest from the so-called "tall" leaders in khadi.

In the seven-week-long expedition by Sonia to occupy the political centrestage, beginning with her directive to the Congress to stall the proceedings of the House in early March, the supposedly all-powerful Congress Working Committee (CWC) met only twice, on March 17 and April 17. The April 17 meeting, held hours after the collapse of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government, had one business -- to authorise Sonia to "decide on the shape of the next government". The resolution was proposed by CWC member R.K. Dhawan, whose claim to political prominence lies chiefly in his long association with Indira as her aide. It was seconded by Madhavrao Scindia, the only partyman who can claim to have social relations with 10 Janpath. In a way, therefore, Sonia's takeover of the party at a crucial juncture got legitimised by two trusted CWC members -- one from her late mother-in-law's side and another from her own. The operation bore the hallmark of Arjun Singh, a meticulous planner, who had by then become the "authorised party spokesman", telling the media that "Sonia Gandhi is our only leader". That eliminated the possibility of the Congress putting up its prime ministerial candidate from among its MPs. Notably former finance minister Manmohan Singh.

At a meeting of the Congress Parliamentary Party (CPP) executive on April 19, Sharad Pawar was instructed by the cabal of Arjun Singh to read a one-line resolution authorising Sonia to take all appropriate measures "to avoid a mid-term poll". However, when Pawar and Lok Sabha deputy leader P. Shiv Shanker wanted to discuss the pros and cons of a possible Congress-led or Congress-supported coalition, they were summarily silenced by Dhawan. The resolution got signed on the dotted line by the 20-member executive in its original form.

By then Arjun Singh had assumed the responsibility of projecting Sonia as the next prime minister. When asked if Jyoti Basu could be an alternative prime minister, he pointed at young party MP Ajit Jogi sitting next to him, and said, "This gentleman has the same chance as Jyoti Basu." Such insinuating remarks made about India's longest lasting chief minister hardened feelings in the CPI(M). Despite Sonia's pleading with Basu, the party did not give the Congress unconditional support. In fact, Sonia's visit to Banga Bhavan to meet Basu had a negative impact as she made it a point to announce before TV cameras that Basu was "not interested" in prime ministership. As if it were one hurdle she had crossed!

Sonia has been fielding her "gang of four" since February, holding late-night strategy meetings with them on bringing down the Vajpayee ministry. Her public face till then was that of a leader in no hurry to grab power. Behind the curtain, however, AIADMK supremo J. Jayalalitha was being wooed to withdraw support to the government. The crucial decision of the Congress president to attend the March 29 tea party hosted by Janata Party MP Subramanian Swamy, where Jayalalitha was the star attraction, was taken without a formal reference to the CWC. At an informal meeting of senior leaders at 10 Janpath a couple of days before the tea party, it was pointed out that attending the party could be disastrous for her and the Congress because Swamy drew an adverse reference in the Jain Commission report on the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. All she said was, "I shall consider it." She attended the party nevertheless, spurring Jayalalitha to say it was a "political earthquake".

Twice defeated in the Lok Sabha polls and dogged by a string of corruption cases, Arjun Singh, for his survival in the Congress' swing-door politics, has little alternative to being a coterie leader. And also Fotedar, out of ministerial jobs since 1993. Former home secretary Pradhan's extra-bureaucratic records are dismal. As the chief executive of the Congress' National Herald newspaper, he presided over its liquidation. George, for long pent in the pa's room at 10 Janpath, only nurses political ambition.

With this private army in tow, Sonia has led the charge leaving the party gasping in suspense. Seven months ago, she said at Pachmarhi: "We have an opportunity in this beautiful place to do some quiet thinking." Partymen did not realise she'd planned to strike quietly too.

OUT

Sharad Pawar

The acknowledged 'Mulayam specialist' in the party was left with collecting signatures from a few small groups

Pranab Mukherjee
Did only paper work after April 17, and was not consulted on strategy with two Left Front 'tough nuts', RSP and FB.

Manmohan Singh
Though a prominent member of the Budget Committee, was ordered to accept the BJP budget without change.

P. Shiv Shankar
His downfall came when it got known that he was a PM-aspirant. The operation to split the TDP was planned by R.K. Dhawan, not him.

Arjun Singh
As the high command-appointed superboss of the party, he cut off all channels of communication between Sonia and partymen, ensuring that Operation Topple remained swaddled in complete secrecy.

M.L. Fotedar
As Arjun Singh's deputy, kept late night vigil at 10 Janpath, screening every party MP visiting the 'nerve centre', tutoring them for the meeting with Sonia and reporting back to his master.

R.D. Pradhan
The brain behind recent Congress organisational changes, the former Union home secretary was used by Sonia to pick up signals from civil servants, including the intelligence community.

Vincent George
On the phone virtually round-the-clock, he tracked down Jyoti Basu in north Bengal and Jayalalitha in Chennai for direct conversion with Sonia and provided her with feedback on non-Congress leaders.