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War
Gamesmanship Election season can wait,
national consensus cannot
If there is indeed a divide between democracy and
soap opera, no society has done more to efface it than India. For mint condition evidence,
consider the reaction of politicians to the war in Kargil. India is in the midst of the
greatest threat to its security since 1962. These are momentous times in a nation's
history. That, of course, is the bird's eye view. The politician, unfortunately, is
congenitally gifted with the worm's eye view. Whether it is the BJP or the Congress or any
of the proliferation of smaller parties, the focus of interest is the coming election. It
is not a question of how your politics can help win the war; it is a matter of making the
war fit into your politics. The prime minister talks of building a national consensus but
does little to put his words into action. The onus of uniting the political class has to
rest with the government. Where are the regular meetings with the opposition parties?
Rather than have generals brief the BJP's National Executive, would it not have been
appropriate to have held an all-party briefing?
Not that the ruling coalition's adversaries have done much
better. There is the Congress, a party with more aspiring foreign ministers than a Treaty
of Versailles could accommodate. There is I.K. Gujral, whose doctrine is now consigned to
the dustbin of diplomacy. This has not prevented the man from spending the good part of
the past month advocating a "national government" that only the most puerile
mind believes is possible. Gujral's mate in this harebrained quest has been H.D. Deve
Gowda. In other countries former prime ministers use a war to elevate themselves to
statesmen; in India, they see it as an opportunity to re-enter government through the
backdoor. While soldiers put their lives on the line, political parties demand a Rajya
Sabha session for an almighty shouting match. At the best of times, few Indians trusted
their politicians. After Kargil, even die-hard optimists will be consumed by cynicism.
Using Uncle Sam
After Kargil regional peace could be an Indo-US joint
venture
This may be a premature conclusion but the Kargil
episode holds the potential of transforming India's foreign policy. For the first time in
recent memory -- to be precise, for the first time since the war with China in 1962 --
India finds the West backing it in an exchange with a contentious neighbour. For a mindset
accustomed to knee-jerk opposition to anything American this may seem unfamiliar, even
uncomfortable, territory. A year ago, the US attacked terrorist camps in Afghanistan. The
BJP government, unable or unwilling to break away from the very Congress-style doctrinaire
world vision it had previously criticised, was quick to condemn. A few months later
western intelligence agencies issued warnings that the Mujahideen were infiltrating
Kashmir. The reports were scoffed at by both North and South Blocks. Not for the first
time a misplaced sense of political correctness rendered India blind.
It is nobody's argument that India should now swing to the
other extreme and join the vanguard of Pax Americana. Rather, the realisation should
finally sink in that India's relations with the western bloc have to be guided by a
commonality of interests. The West's primary security concern is the free market in arms
and munitions that operates in the arc from Central Asia to Afghanistan, right into the
heart of Pakistan. It is a phenomenon that can overwhelm many governments. Certainly a
soft state like Pakistan is unequal to the task of arresting this trend, presuming of
course that it wants to. As the invasion of Kargil makes evident, Washington's security
nightmare is Delhi's reality. If peace in this region be a mutual quest, India and the US
are natural allies. One need only look at Russia and China to see how apparently less
powerful countries manipulate their relations with the US to suit national goals. There is
a lesson here for India, if it is willing to learn it. |