THE USUAL SUSPECTS
Diplomacy After KargilFormalise the
partition of Kashmir.
By Swapan
Dasgupta
There are many pieces of conventional wisdom that have been
shattered by the war in Kargil. Among the more welcome acts of demolition is the theory --
propagated assiduously by followers of the Gujral doctrine and practitioners of Track-II
diplomacy -- that if it wasn't for self-serving politicians on both sides, India and
Pakistan would have buried the hatchet long ago. After five weeks of mountain warfare, it
is no longer Indian politicians who are in the forefront of hawkish attitudes. As the
fiercely pro-Australian sentiments during the cricket World Cup final clearly revealed,
the popular mood is unequivocally anti-Pakistan. So much so that the suggestion that
Indian forces must cross the Line of Control (LoC) to enlarge the scope of the war has
gripped the popular imagination. Never mind the implications, the mood favours a final
solution to Pakistan.
For the moment, the A.B. Vajpayee Government has kept its
natural instincts on hold, not least because of its caretaker status. Bolstered by major
diplomatic successes but mindful of the responsibilities of being a nuclear power, it has
left the operational conduct of the war to the armed forces. Its only decisive caveat:
don't cross the LoV.
This self-imposed restraint has paid enormous dividends.
Beginning with the US and stretching right down to China, the international community has
silently moved from regarding Kashmir as a "disputed territory" to tacitly
acknowledging the clearly defined LoC as the border between India and Pakistan. Respecting
the LoC has become the bottom line of a solution to this particular war. If India now
chooses to disregard this ground rule, it will be walking into a Pakistani trap.
At the same time, it is widely acknowledged in official
circles that even if Pakistan is pressured into vacating the mountain heights by military
or diplomatic means, it will not be the end of the story. Given the extent to which
Islamic radicals have permeated the Pakistani military and political establishments, it is
entirely conceivable that this year's adventurism in Kargil will be repeated in other ways
in subsequent years. Even if the Nawaz Sharif Government is persuaded into re-endorsing
the Lahore Declaration, there is no guarantee that it will be able to impose its writ on
other roguish arms of the state. Having made the "unfinished agenda" of
Partition its ideological priority, Pakistan is no longer in a position to act rationally
and with restraint. Its nuclear doctrine is governed by a unique and dangerous logic of
blackmail and brinkmanship.
For the world community, this is a cause of alarm. For the
first time in history, two nuclear powers are on the verge of going to war. To prevent
this, the big powers will combine pressure with appeasement. They will oppose Pakistani
aggression and simultaneously seek out the means of tackling the causes of aggression.
Pakistan will insist on making Kashmiri "self-determination" an international
issue as the price for military restraint.
If the sacrifices of our soldiers are not to go in vain,
India has to ready itself for a far more important political battle after the guns become
silent. It can sit on its high horse and let Pakistan and its fifth columnists transform
Kashmir into our Kosovo. Alternatively, it can seize the high ground and indicate its
willingness to accept the LoC as the extension of the Radcliffe Line. Let our political
class have the courage to state publicly what it has all along conceded privately. Let us
formalise the partition of Kashmir. |