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BUREAUCRACY
Babu Turns SupercopAn ordinance putting the Central Vigilance Commission atop CBI defeats its
purpose -- to insulate anti-corruption agencies against interference.
By Harish Gupta
I'll be judge, I'll be jury,' said cunning
old Fury." Few fit the role of Fury in Alice In Wonderland better than the Indian
bureaucrats. Last week, they mustered all the cunning at their command and secured the
Cabinet's approval for an ordinance on the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC). The idea
behind the ordinance was to put the two central investigative agencies -- the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED) -- under the CVC and to
immunise them against executive interference. However, after the ordinance was promulgated
on August 25, it was discovered that the chief vigilance commissioner, the man who would
be the superboss of the agencies, could only be chosen from the brotherhood of IAS and IPS
officers.
The Supreme Court, in a judgement delivered on December 18
last year, had not only ordered that statutory status be given to the CVC but had said
that its chief must be picked up from "a panel of outstanding civil servants and
others with impeccable integrity ..." The clause, "and others", is
significant as it expands the search beyond the civil services -- to judges, lawyers, or
private investigators, casting the office in the mould similar to that of the
"independent counsel" in the US. The apex court sought to "permanently
insulate" the agencies against "extraneous" influence, exercised by
bureaucrats and politicians.
OFFICIAL
TOUCH |
The 1997 Judgement
No prior permission is necessary to investigate cases of corruption against civil
servants. Non-bureaucrats can get into CVC.
The Law Commission
CVC to expedite, or look into, delay or denial of prior permission. Non-bureaucrats are
welcome to CVC.
The Ordinance
Prior permission continues, but monopolised by CVC which becomes the exclusive preserve of
the Central services. |
Yet it was the bureaucrats who hijacked the agenda of
the Supreme Court. Following the ordinance, the CVC becomes a multi-member body comprising
the chairperson, up to three vigilance commissioners and the personnel secretary to the
Union Government, squeezed into the commission as its ex-officio member. The members must
be drawn from either an all-India service or a Union civil service. That restricts the
choice to the community of IAS and IPS officers. The tenures of office of the CVC chairman
and other members have been fixed at four years and three years respectively, and the
retiring age is 65. So the CVC becomes a post-retirement sanctuary for civil servants
whose normal retirement age is 60.
What is worse, the commission is now given the power to
become a bureaucratic monster with more discretionary authority than any other statutory
organisation. The ordinance has vacuumed from the Supreme Court judgement a crucial order
striking down the "Single Directive", requiring of the CBI prior permission or
sanction of superior officers for investigation of officers of the rank of joint secretary
and above. Executive immunity, which discriminates between offenders according to their
status in social hierarchy, has got a new lease of life in the ordinance, with the
difference that the CBI will now need the prior approval of the CVC. Says Anil Divan, the
"friend of the court" in the case leading to the 1997 judgement: "The
ordinance is of the bureaucracy, for the bureaucracy and by the bureaucracy."
The Supreme Court, anxious to weed out bureaucratic
interference in investigation, had outlined a political control mechanism in the selection
of personnel at the CVC. It required selection by a panel comprising Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee, Home Minister L.K. Advani and Leader of the Opposition Sharad Pawar. This
selection was to take place from a list of names to be furnished by the cabinet secretary.
The ordinance, however, has soft-pedalled the political leaders' supremacy in the matter
of selection. It states that all appointments of CVC members shall be made after obtaining
the "recommendation" of the political triumvirate. It means that the prime
minister, home minister and the leader of the Opposition shall have a single name in each
case, instead of a list of names. In other words, the bureaucracy reserves its power to
make the first selection.
The apex court empowered the reconstituted CVC to carry out
the responsibility of superintendence over the functioning of the CBI and the ed. It said
that a committee of the CVC chief, the home secretary and the personnel secretary should
submit a panel of IPS officers' names to the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC)
for selection as CBI director. For selecting the enforcement director, the judgement
wanted the addition of revenue secretary to the committee. However, the ordinance has
craftily cut short the ACC's task. The committee of secretaries will, under the ordinance,
not be obliged to present the ACC with a list of names. In selecting the CBI and ED
chiefs, as with that of the CVC members, the civil servants have denied legislators --
represented by either the prime minister-home minister-leader of the Opposition trio or
the cabinet committee -- the authority to choose one name from among many.
Till the promulgation of the ordinance, the CVC, as a
non-statutory body, held merely an executive authority to investigate the corruption
charges against Central Government officials. Now the commission shall be deemed to be a
civil court with each of its proceedings having the status of a judicial proceeding within
the meaning of the Indian Penal Code. It will have the power to summon any person and to
examine him on oath. Its authority overrides that of the vigilance units attached to each
department of the Union Government and each of the public corporations. The President of
India may suspend the chief vigilance commissioner or any other member only on the ground
of "misbehaviour" proved before the Supreme Court, on a reference made to it by
the President. That makes the CVC members as secure from executive pushes as members of
the Union Public Service Commission. The irony is that, despite the trappings of the job,
the selection process remains confined to the close community of civil servants.
The Government had earlier set up a committee of ministers to
frame the law relating to changes in line with the Supreme Court judgement. Its members --
Power Minister Rangarajan Kumaramangalam, Urban Affairs Minister Ram Jethmalani and Law
Minister M. Thambidurai -- had referred the matter to the Law Commission, headed by
Justice (retd) B.P. Jeevan Reddy, a former Supreme Court judge. The Law Commission had
submitted, on August 13, a draft ordinance on the CVC. This draft held that:
- The CVC chief, before his appointment, must sever his
connections with business if he had such connections, and cease to practise any profession
if he happened to be in a profession. It implies that the scope of choice for the post was
left open to those who are not civil servants;
- The panel of prime minister, home minister and leader of the
Opposition would select CVC members from a list of names submitted by the executive;
- The CVC should review the progress of all cases moved by the
CBI for sanction of prosecution of public servants which are pending with the competent
authorities, or have been refused; and,
- The enforcement director should be chosen from the rank of
additional secretaries.
In a cabinet meeting held after the Law Commission had
submitted its report, the only draft that reportedly came up for consideration was the one
prepared by a team of secretaries spearheaded by Personnel Secretary Arvind Verma, perhaps
because the CBI comes under the Department of Personnel. The Cabinet, worried over the
angry remarks of the Supreme Court against the transfer of Enforcement Director M.K.
Bezbaruah and non-implementation of the 1997 judgement, promptly gave its nod to the only
draft put before it, a handiwork of civil servants. The Law Commission draft, though short
of being faithful to the apex court judgement in terms of "insulating" the
investigative agencies (it allowed the Single Directive to continue), at least left room
in the CVC for non-bureaucrats. Besides, by following the judgement in setting a minimum
seniority mark for the enforcement director, it earmarked for the ED a larger
respectability than what it currently enjoys. But it was the bureaucratic draft that
carried the day.
Legal experts who were connected with the 1997 case think
that the ordinance is not compatible with the judgement of the apex court. That can even
be the subject for a review petition in the future, if the ordinance is not revised before
the next session of Parliament in November. The most glaring shortcoming in it is that it
tends to perpetuate the same ills that it is required to remove. It is a triumph of the
bureaucracy over politicians. |