KAUTILYA
New Convert to ReformsThe BJP's changed thinking on insurance and patents augurs well.
Jairam Ramesh
The two far-reaching decisions taken at the Union Cabinet
meeting on November 23 show that power moderates, just as the absence of power unhinges.
Exactly a year ago the BJP, then in the Opposition, had cussedly torpedoed P.
Chidambaram's efforts to liberalise the insurance industry and end the monopoly of the
Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) and the General Insurance Corporation (GIC). The BJP
wanted Chidambaram to give a categorical assurance that no foreign investment would be
permitted in the insurance sector, an assurance that the then finance minister rightly
refused to give. Now, the very same BJP has decided to open up the insurance industry and
offer up to 40 per cent equity to foreigners.
Again, over a year ago, a strange combination of George
Fernandes of the Samata Party, Ashok Mitra of the CPI(M) and Murli Manohar Joshi of the
BJP prevailed upon then prime minister I.K. Gujral not to carry out changes in the Patents
Act in keeping with our obligations to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and in keeping
with what our research system needs to make it more user-oriented. Now, a government in
which Fernandes and Joshi are leading lights has done exactly that. Welcome as they are,
the two cabinet decisions are only the beginning. Relevant bills will now have to be
introduced in Parliament. The Congress could be reasonably expected to support these
bills.
Instant results from the opening of the insurance industry
must not be expected. The most immediate effect will be that the Americans will be happy.
We will gain powerful lobbyists on our behalf in Washington DC, where insurance companies
are enormously influential. Once the bills are passed, it will take another year to
actually give out the first licences to private companies.
Even so, we can look forward to more attractive insurance
schemes, particularly in health and pensions. Life insurance and provident fund coverage
is good although it falls far short of what is needed. For example, there are about 100
million life policies -- roughly a fifth of the insurable population. Similarly, there are
about 25 million workers covered by provident fund -- less than a tenth of the workforce.
A paltry two million have health insurance and a minuscule one million have pension
policies.
In the long term, more money could be mobilised for
infrastructure projects. Today, out of its annual investible surplus of about Rs 20,000
crore, LIC allocates Rs 5,000 crore per year for water supply, housing and power projects.
Each private company would, in about eight years time, be in a position to generate a
similar amount annually to be invested in infrastructure.
Now that competition is imminent, LIC and GIC also have to be
radically restructured. After a long hiatus, Chidambaram constituted the boards of these
companies with eminent citizens and professionals as a first step to making them
autonomous. This must be consolidated.
The Indian Patents Act, 1970, confers only process patents,
that is on the method of manufacture, and not product patents in research-intensive
industries like pharmaceuticals and agro-chemicals. The lack of product patents has
enabled Indian companies to do what they call "innovative reverse engineering"
but what the Americans, the Germans and others call "patent-busting".
Initially Indian drug companies like Ranbaxy actively fought
against changes in the Patents Act. But when Ranbaxy became a major exporter and a global
investor and began to entertain visions of growth through R&D, it became an
enthusiastic proponent of the very changes. Other drug firms like Dr Reddy's Labs are also
in the same boat. According to the WTO agreement, we have to amend the Patents Act to
allow for product patents before January 1, 2005. Till then, we have to open a
"mailbox" into which all companies will apply for product patents in India. The
mailbox is akin to the old industrial licensing system. It will establish priority dates
and the applications being made will be examined for patentability.
After examination, such companies must be given exclusive
marketing rights (EMRs) in lieu of product patents. The first EMR in drugs and chemicals
is unlikely to be granted before January 1, 2002. The EMR will be valid up to January 1,
2005. In this period no other company can market that product in India. Initially we
thought we could get away by allowing for the mailbox and EMRs through a government order.
But such is our reputation for non-transparency that we have been forced by the world
community to make this provision explicit in our laws before April 19, 1999.
The BJP's volte face is commendable. But while announcing
these cabinet decisions the finance minister, in a needless fit of reform bravado, also
declared that the Government is contemplating advancing the date for introduction of
product patents to January 1, 2000. No doubt this will please the Americans. But it is
ironical that a party wedded to "calibrated globalisation" is seeking to curtail
a 10-year transition period won through hard bargaining at the WTO to five years. Clearly
there is no convert more zealous than the neo-convert.
The author is secretary of the AICC's Economic Affairs
Department. The views expressed here are his own. |