Dil naummeed to nahin, nakaam hi to hai, Lambee
hai gham ke sham, magar sham hi to hai (page 6)
After opening on a depressing note of petty everyday corruption,
Chandan Mitra seems determined to find signs that India has in fact begun its fight
against this debilitating cancer. But his closing account of the encounter with the
children of Delhi's Shri Ram School strikes a note of helplessness. Britain and Italy, as
described by Mitra, may have drastically reduced corruption. But in India, except for the
efforts of a few determined but "eccentric" individuals -- most notably
T.N. Seshan's clean-up of the election process and U.N. Biswas' investigation of the Bihar
fodder scandal -- he can see little effort to combat corruption.
The Corrupt Society is essentially written in the form of six
essays. Its canvas of over 50 years is wide in terms of the number of issues and events
touched, but is necessarily sketchy in the analysis of specific issues. In writing the
book Mitra has chosen to don his newsperson's hat. He has produced a fast, tightly-packed
and extremely readable description of politicians and policies that have enabled
corruption to spread its destructive tentacles over every section of society. It is not an
academic tome. It can however be accused of sweepingly generalised assessments.
For instance, Mitra argues that the most corrupting influence on
politics is exerted by business and industry. Yet he ignores the role of politicians in
diverting funds into portfolio management schemes that created the securities scam. Then,
when asked to investigate the scam, politicians in the multi-party joint parliamentary
committee sat around bargaining for their vested interests. Not only did they not allow
the probe to extend to politicians but also ignored the need for drastic systemic reform.
These are details that I am familiar with; others may have similar
examples. On the other hand, Mitra has clearly defined his target audience as the average
reader or student concerned about corruption and looking for a broad canvas. He more than
fulfils their expectations.
Mitra makes no new revelations, though several of the events
documented in the book were first reported in newspapers edited by him. He packs in a
wealth of facts, starting with Jawaharlal Nehru, who he says "presided over the
progressive erection of a corrupt scaffolding in which public funds were diverted to
assist dishonest businessmen" to his daughter Indira Gandhi's role in destroying
institutions and ruthlessly "using corruption as a means of subverting movements
antithetical to her political objectives".
The book covers every major milestone in the progressive corrupting
of systems: the growth of nepotism and role of politicians' kin as middlemen, breakdown of
ethics among bureaucrats and law enforcers, dirty dynamics of election funding, rapacious
brazenness of the Laloo Prasad Yadav and Kalyan Singh governments and the small sign of
hope during the initial days of the Jain hawala scandal probe.
Mitra tries hard to strike an optimistic note and find some sign of
a public will to fight corruption in erratic bursts of judicial activism, the experiments
of Hindi cinema, popularity of the television soap Rajni or the support to Seshan. But he
can't come up with much. The book is not expected to offer any solutions. It doesn't. It,
however, holds a mirror to a society "primarily engaged in promoting its own
ambitions to the detriment of the common good.