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Vajpayee's
Prickly Partner Naidu's every crisis
is a bargaining chip approach to politics.
It wouldn't be too much of
an exaggeration to label N. Chandrababu Naidu, chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, the most
media-savvy politician in business. Naidu's formidable public-relations skills and
assiduously cultivated image of a techno-friendly moderniser have saved him from being
classified alongside Jayalalitha and Mamata Banerjee as the prime minister's difficult
ally. Yet, the three are guilty of the same crime: taking political negotiation to the
level of bazaar bargaining. Jayalalitha has been placated by the supersession of the
special courts trying her for corruption. Mamata too is considerably happier after the
economic package for West Bengal. Put bluntly, their methods have been crude-but at least
they have been transparent. Naidu has been more subtle-but his politics of brinkmanship is
no less sinister. There is a tiresome sameness to the Telugu chieftain's approach. Before
every major parliamentary vote, he becomes incommunicado, encourages the most imaginative
speculation in the media and quietly extracts his price-even if it be the Bharat Ratna for
his father-in-law.
In its initial days, the Naidu strategy drew admirers. It was
felt he was using his grip on Atal Bihari Vajpayee's regime to win concessions for his
state. Also, he seemed a pleasant change from the usual rhetorical politician. The problem
is Naidu has overplayed his hand. His calculated silences-evident yet again before the Lok
Sabha voted on President's rule in Bihar-are now evoking disgust. With Jayalalitha and
Mamata quiet, Naidu is in danger of becoming the ruling coalition's spoiler. To an extent,
the man's indecisiveness is understandable. He faces assembly elections in November and is
unsure whether an alliance with the BJP will work to his advantage or otherwise. Even so,
the key to a juggler's art is knowing when to stop. If Naidu feels the BJP is too much of
a hot potato, he should drop it-unless he wants to go to the polls with vacillation as his
one-point manifesto.
Sport as Unifier
Why India was the biggest medal-winner at Manipur's
National Games
There are two ways of looking at the
National Games that concluded in Imphal on February 25. India's perennially complaining
classes will hasten to point out that the standard of competition was way below global
standard, that unhygienic conditions at the athletes' village rendered many athletes sick,
that typically Indian hamhandedness was everywhere. Why, one participant was even accused
of molestation. Yet, to those who shun such perverse reductionism, the games, warts and
all, were a celebration of India. True, the requisite infrastructure in, say, Delhi is
better. Nevertheless, the spontaneity with which the people of the state adopted and
participated in the sporting carnival more than made up. To take India's largest athletic
festival, the cream of its youth-forget where they stand, or don't, in comparison to world
champions-to Manipur has done more to give the state a sense of belonging than any
antiseptic policy papers Delhi has framed.
Politics, sport-admittedly, largely cricket-and cinema are
the three biggest social phenomena in India. The first is all pervasive, the third makes
its way to even rural theatres thanks to an enterprising distributor network. Sport,
however, has remained a big city preserve. While the Union government is enthusiastic
about using it as a diplomatic weapon-whether it was the visit by the Israeli tennis team
in 1987 or by Pakistani cricketers in recent weeks-it is chary of recognising sport's
potential as a centripetal force. This is not to suggest that unwilling sportspersons
should be forced into every decrepit mofussil stadium. It is equally important to create
the necessary facilities before the actual event. These of course will be of enduring
benefit to local residents and expand the social base of Indian sport. In regions like the
North-east, as Manipur has shown, they will double as an advertisement for the Republic of
India.
ment, not efface it. That apart, the Government's reputation
for talking first and acting later -- if not never -- will be further strengthened. Some
months ago, the finance minister promised a recovery "by September", the economy
is still waiting. Early in 1999, the prime minister promised a cabinet expansion -- only
to postpone it to "end January" and finally develop amnesia. Should the people
of Bihar similarly renounce hopes of a responsive ruler? |