Columns: Race Course Road

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India Today, March 8, 1999
March 8, 1999

RACE COURSE ROAD
Divide and Rule

Vajpayee must realise nice guys don't survive

By Prabhu Chawla

As Indian prime ministers go, Atal Bihari Vajpayee's got to be one of the most harassed. Troubles hit him like a deluge. No sooner does he recover from one crisis than a conspiracy of circumstances pushes him into another. Last week, when the prime minister was riding the crest of nationwide popularity after his historic bus drive to Pakistan, the Bihar imbroglio grounded him.

For the first time in 11 months, Vajpayee was back on the front pages of an otherwise hostile print media. It was also for the first time that opinion makers were hailing him for his diplomatic initiatives abroad and for taming the Sangh Parivar at home. Above all, he was showing he could carry with him the troublesome duo of Jayalalitha and Mamata Banerjee. But his political happiness was short-lived. He was once again left battling both friends and enemies. And in his decisive struggle against his adversaries he found himself almost alone. Barring Defence Minister George Fernandes, none of his other cabinet colleagues proved to be of any substantive help in staving off one of the most serious threats to the Government.

It's obvious that even after all these months in office, the coalition has failed to put in place an effective and credible fire-fighting and crisis-management system to deal with not only its partners but also its more organised opponents. Kushabhau Thakre, one of the most ineffective presidents the BJP has ever had, is anathema to the allies and the Opposition alike. Home Minister L.K. Advani, expected to play a crucial role when it comes to dealing with the states, has lost out because of his most indiscreet remarks on sensitive issues. In such a situation, the prime minister was left with only Fernandes who was running from pillar to post to rally the allies behind the Government. Others were resigned to the worst. It also proved the point that none of the ruling party ministers or leaders had any rapport with other political parties, let alone any inside knowledge about their decision-making process. Vajpayee got to know about the Congress decision on Bihar not from his intelligence agencies or the home minister but from the news agencies.

Evidently, neither the prime minister nor the BJP or its allies have learnt the art of creating dissensions within opposition ranks. Unlike in 1993, when P.V. Narasimha Rao was in trouble and the entire party came to his rescue. Over a dozen cabinet ministers and chief ministers spent almost a week resorting to the dirtiest tricks in the book to split various parties and ensure the government's victory on the floor of the House.

Vajpayee and his few comrades, however, would do nothing of the sort. In fact, the prime minister is the victim of reverse spying. Most of his ministers and advisers have been wining and dining with people planted by their opponents to gather information. And these are the people who misled the BJP leaders into believing that the Congress would eventually support the dismissal of the Bihar government. Unfortunately, Vajpayee is too trusting; he doesn't know who his friends are and who aren't. No prime minister can last long if he is unable to unite his family and divide his opponents. What Vajpayee needs is not a motley bunch of permanent sycophants but a team of savvy troubleshooters.

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