June 8, 1998

How to be a long-term peacenik and a short-term strategist

Population figures and the number of limited overs cricket matches they play will testify that India and Pakistan have a fetish for proliferation. Even so, 10 collective nuclear tests in less than 20 days is an achievement that south Asia's awesome twosome will find hard to repeat. Having proved nuclear prowess, India and Pakistan now need to adopt a more constructive approach. The doctrine of deterrence is appealing, even if there are flaws in taking the stability of Pakistan for granted. But even after Pokhran-II and Chagai, India must stress its non-negotiable commitment to verifiable, universal nuclear disarmament.

However, it would be imprudent to confuse long-term goals with immediate strategies. The US-inspired doctrine of institutionalised nuclear apartheid has been shown to be unworkable. But to conclude that this sets the stage for a nuclear free-for-all is irresponsible. While pressing for universal nuclear disarmament, India must now demonstrate to the world community that it is mindful of its new obligations. First, the offer of no-first-use has to be repeated and international opinion built for an agreement involving India, Pakistan and China. Secondly, India must repeat its willingness to abide by the most crucial clause of the CTBT -- stop N-testing -- even if it is unwilling to sign a treaty that does not set a date for universal N-disarmament. Thirdly, it must hint its inclination to review its existing opposition to CTBT if the 1995 Non-Proliferation Treaty is modified to formally recognise it as a N-weapons state. Indeed, if India's de facto status is acknowledged -- the modalities of recognition are negotiable -- Delhi should consider unilaterally opening both its civilian and military reactors to IAEA inspection. It is important for India to demonstrate that it exercised the N-option, not because it wants to pulverise Islamabad, but because an iniquitous world order refused to pay heed to either its genuine desire for peace or its national security.

Atrocity Exhibition

If Shekhawat can't ensure the safety of women, why should Rajasthan vote for him?

Rajasthan is India's showcase state. It draws the largest number of foreign tourists. Some of the most evocative legends of love, bravery and chivalry come from there. It's obviously all from another time. Going by the Rajasthan of today, it could also be from another planet. In a country that ranks among the highest in the world with regard to crimes against women, Rajasthan is notorious. The repeated gang-rape of a woman in Jaipur recently only caps a series of atrocities ranging from murder to disfigurement and, of course, rape, female foeticide and infanticide. The incident shows up the Bhairon Singh Shekhawat Government as one which doesn't care about one half of its constituency -- even after the ruling BJP took a battering in the recent Lok Sabha elections.

The state has done nothing to help the victim or apprehend the culprits. Rajasthan is the only state that does not have a special cell or commission to inquire into and follow up crimes against women. Amazingly, Chief Minister Shekhawat doesn't seem to be in any hurry to institute one -- even when it's as clear as daylight that women are the target of rampant hooliganism and the law and order machinery seems completely defunct. For his regime's sake, as much as for the women of Rajasthan, Shekhawat has to wake up. There is already evidence of grassroots discontent in Rajasthan. Activists have lit a fire so large under the administration that the right to information is inevitable. If the atrocity exhibition continues, Shekhawat and the lumpens of his state will face a women's movement so strong that no amount of callous silence and macho posturing will be able to blunt it. Shekhawat should act now. It could win him new support. It may even help the BJP claw back some electoral advantage. It will certainly help Rajasthan win back its pride.

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