MANI TALK
Thirty Ghastly DaysPity poor Vajpayee: the next 300 are going to be even worse.
Mani Shankar Aiyar
What has become of Atal Bihari Vajpayee's beatific smile?
Success, it seems, has smothered it. In just 30 days, the bouncy, bubbly Vajpayee of
yesteryear has turned wan, fatigued, dispirited. The banter has gone out of him. The wit
is subdued. The pauses grow longer and longer. Some men are born to Opposition. Office
sits ill on them.
A bachelor, of course, is not entitled to a honeymoon. Still,
one feels sorry that one so deserving of the benefit of the doubt should so soon have had
to cringe at this unravelling of his woven follies. Poor Vajpayee has not had half a
chance: no opportunity for sonorous speeches, no occasion to play the statesman, no time
to articulate policy, not even time to present himself at his weekly Tuesday darshan. How,
he must be asking himself, did I get into such an unholy mess?
The answer, of course, is that it is unholy. I well remember
the fire-eating Vajpayee of my youth. For Vajpayee got into Parliament the year I finished
school. I would take the No. 9 bus from Delhi University to Parliament Street and clamber
up to the visitors' gallery to gape at the great men arguing below. I agreed with nothing
Vajpayee said but he said what he did with conviction: Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan. What does
Vajpayee stand for now? He does not know himself.
He has repudiated his entire intellectual, political and,
dare one say it, spiritual inheritance. Time was when he would be engaged in titanic
battles on the floor of the House with C.N. Annadurai, the founder of the DMK, on the
language question. Now he winces at his pathetic dependence on Jayalalitha.
He was once the voice of the Hindu rashtra. Now he
indignantly asks Rajiv Shukla, in a frequently telecast interview clip, where is Ayodhya?
One forebears to tell him that Ayodhya is on the mind of his chief minister in Uttar
Pradesh, his home minister, his party president and on the mind of every BJP backbencher
and Parivarist who thought he had dismantled the Babri Masjid to build a Ram mandir as the
preliminary to Ram Rajya. What is the status of the Ram mandir on the prime minister's
agenda? Non-existent. Unmentionable.
The drubbing Vajpayee has received at the hands of his
partners and allies in his first month in office is nothing compared to the drubbing that
is in store for him from his most ardent supporters. They are already asking in stage
whispers why a kal ka defector like Rangarajan Kumaramangalam, who would not know a bhagwa
dhwaj from a khaki knicker, is such a big wheel in the Cabinet? They accept, even if they
resent, the loaves and fishes cast to their coalition partners but, directing a long glare
at that Johnny-come-lately, the finance minister, want to know why so many of their own
deserving are being left to cool their ardour on distant backbenches.
It is not even primarily a question of office. Most BJP MPs
went into politics when there was little hope of their achieving office. They can do
without it. But, they ask themselves, are we in office now to repudiate what we came into
public life to espouse?
The Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) has fired the first shot,
rejecting the new exim policy. Nothing Yashwant Sinha said in Washington or London has
reassured them. "If you asked me to define swadeshi, I could not do it," says
this card-carrying SJM activist, now elevated to the real world. "Swadeshi," he
adds, "is a state of mind." The SJM had thought it was a policy! What will it do
when the budget confirms Sinha's apostasy?
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad too has bared its teeth. The
Bajrang Dal is making its restlessness evident. The RSS has its fifth columnist in the BJP
in Kushabhau Thakre, the party president. Before even being formally anointed, Thakre has
distanced himself from his government's shenanigans in Himachal. Should Guinness not be
informed of this first government ever to have been repudiated by its own party?
What, after all, has the BJP as a party got out of winning
the vote of confidence? First, an agenda for governance that promises to not do what the
BJP manifesto pledged it would do. Second, a whole sluice of promises that are no concern
of the BJP's -- such as the waters of the Cauvery -- that its partners have put into the
so called National Agenda, not because the partners seriously expect it to deliver what
they want but because it provides them with the excuse to quarrel with one another. Shape
up for Round II of Jaya vs Hegde on June 12 when the Metur dam is opened and not a drop
flows out from Karnataka.
Third, the Coordination Committee, where the partners will
take time off from each other to tell the BJP what is wrong with the BJP -- and walk out
in a huff if the BJP ever tells them what is wrong with them.
How long before someone in 11 Ashoka Road asks: is any of
this worth struggling for? Recalcitrant MPs can be intimidated; what is more difficult to
defuse is the anger of those who joined the Parivar not for the power but for the cause.
Vajpayee is a prime minister without a cause. Commentators are concentrating on the
problems his partners have with each other and with him. Vajpayee may yet succeed in
disciplining them. But how is he to respond to the baying in his backyard? This Government
will fall when it is toppled by the BJP. Which is why Vajpayee is not smiling any more. He
is not amused. |