April 13, 1998

The Vajpayee PMO will be run by proven loyalists.

Prabhu Chawla

For the 75-year-old Rashtriya SwayamSevak Sangh (RSS), the anointing of Atal Bihari Vajpayee -- one of its ardent swayamsevaks -- as India's chief executive officer should have been a moment of ultimate triumph and jubilation. But when the prime minister chose to select his own team of political and bureaucratic advisers, massive pressure was sought to be put on him by a minuscule yet vociferous section of the RSS to appoint some of its members to vital positions in the Government. Since Vajpayee is not particularly comfortable in dealing with complex demands, he appointed Pramod Mahajan, the BJP general secretary and a man for all seasons, as his political adviser in the Prime Minister's office (PMO). Known for his dexterity and persuasive skills, Mahajan was one of the key players responsible for the Government winning the vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha.

Mahajan's induction has signalled a significant change in the functioning of the PMO. The PMO will be managed by those who are not only committed to the party ideology but are personally loyal to the prime minister. Earlier, ignoring convention, Vajpayee chose Brijesh Mishra, a former diplomat and a member of the BJP national executive, as his principal secretary. In the past, this post mostly went to retired IAS officers. In addition, Ashok Saikia, an Assam cadre IAS officer with impeccable credentials and personal commitment to the prime minister, was appointed one of the joint secretaries in the PMO and Sudheendra Kulkarni, a former journalist and a member of the BJP's media cell, was asked to monitor the media response to the prime minister's performance.

In the past, prime ministers asked either ministers of state or parliamentary secretaries to the PMO to handle specific assignments. For example, Rajiv Gandhi appointed three parliamentary secretaries in the PMO in 1985. Chandra Shekhar brought in Kamal Morarka as minister of state in the PMO to help him deal with corporate and business affairs.

However, it is for the first time since Independence that the prime minister will be assisted by a political adviser holding Cabinet rank. Though the four-line presidential notification about Mahajan's induction is silent on his precise role in the PMO, there is no doubt he will be Vajpayee's main trouble-shooter. His primary assignment: to insulate the prime minister from pressures from various quarters, including the RSS. Mahajan's selection for this crucial job is an indicator that the prime minister feels it is easier to depend on his former colleagues in his 13-day government rather than choose new ones. Earlier, he drafted Jaswant Singh -- who like Mahajan had lost in the Lok Sabha elections -- as deputy chairman of the Planning Commission. Later, Singh was also given additional responsibility of the chairmanship of the North-East Council. Singh is now a permanent invitee to all cabinet meetings.

From all possible indications, the Mahajan-Singh combine willserve as the most powerful tool for the implementation of the prime minister's political and economic programme which is essential for the Government's survival. If Singh represents the urbane, non-RSS face of the Vajpayee Government, Mahajan is the hawkish, lethal RSS arm to be used as and when required. Having won the first round,Vajpayee is gearing up for the battles ahead.

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