THE MAKING OF THE INDIAN ATOMIC BOMB
Wrong Then Wrong NowIndia's quest for nuclear weapons is a history of bad
timing.
By Subramanian Swamy
THE MAKING OF THE INDIAN ATOMIC
BOMB
BY ITTY ABRAHIM
ORIENT LONGMAN
PRICE: RS 300
PAGES: 180
This book traces the history of Indian official thinking on
atomic energy and the institutional framework that formalised our policy in this area
since 1948. The author formulates an interesting thesis: "International public
opinion, to the extent that there is such a thing, is now where India was nearly half a
century ago. But India has moved on from its once lofty, idealistic standpoint. India has
demanded its right to become a nuclear power just when the atomic age has come to an end,
and thus remains an outsider, a spoiler, but for reasons completely opposed to its
original purpose."
I am inclined to subscribe to the author's thesis, since I
was among the daring few (alas, as an academic then) in the '60s who wrote extensively on
the need for India to develop a nuclear deterrent but am sharply critical of the decision
of the A.B. Vajpayee Government to test nuclear devices in May 1998.
India has missed the bus twice, first in the late '60s and
'70s and now in the '90s for opposite and contrary reasons. In the '60s, nuclear weapons
and deterrents were mystical brahmastras, within the reach of only a select few countries.
International opinion had glorified their possession, especially since the five permanent
members of the Security Council were the only ones with such capacity.
At the same time the spectre of India begging for PL 480 food
from the US, the 1962 defeat at the hands of the Chinese, the 1965 stalemate in the
Indo-Pakistani war, that led to a brokered peace, had made us look weak and incapable of
joining the hallowed league. Our chanting of Jawaharlal Nehru's disarmament mantra
therefore was taken as a cry of the weak. The world sniggered at us. Had we gone nuclear
just before the 1971 Bangladesh war or just after (when we had acquired the capability),
India would have been accepted as an international player and a nuclear weapons power. It
would have demolished our "beggar" image in one blow.
As the author correctly notes, by the time we did detonate a
device, in 1974, its effect was washed away by our perceived hypocritical stance that it
was for "peaceful purposes". There was no need for this stance, since public
opinion in India has been consistently, 80 or 90 per cent, in favour of this parmanu
astra. Because of our stance the world powers propagated, and international opinion was
thus formed, that the 1974 explosion was not to be taken seriously. We were further
portrayed as betraying the Nehru "legacy".
But in 1974, we were still decades ahead of Pakistan and not
far behind China (at that stage emaciated by the Lin Biao failed coup). By doing little to
implement or even formulate a consistent policy and outlook on the nuclear issue, we
triggered adrenalin flow into Pakistan's nuclear bloodstream. And by the consequential
sanctions, we scuttled our own peaceful programme which Vikram Sarabhai had drawn up in
exchange for signing the NPT. In effect, we got the worst of both worlds.
By 1998, a determined and fanatic Pakistan had closed the gap
and China had streamed way ahead. As Itty Abraham notes, the world in the meantime had
contracted the disarmament fever. We were out of step with the trend we had originated in
the '50s. Pokhran II and Vajpayee's supplicant letter to President Bill Clinton gave
Pakistanis the moral edge to demonstrate what they always craved to prove: that they are
as good as us, if not better. The parity syndrome was established to the hilt. China
sneered at us. The US confirmed our outcast status. The world rebuked us.
Abraham's thesis is thus worth reading and debating. However,
he has relied largely on official sources and is unaware of the intellectual ferment on
this issue during the '60s and '70s. He has no clue about our political dynamics or the
workings of our vested interests. But, his conceptualisation and articulation are
admirable. and his book is a welcome addition to the literature on nuclear weapons
development.
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