KAUTILYA
Cry Not for ULCRAAfter seven years,
prospects for the repeal of a bad law brighten.
By Jairam
Ramesh
Never judge a policy by its intent but always assess it by
its consequences. Nothing could illustrate this more vividly than the Urban Land (Ceiling
& Regulation) Act of 1976. The objectives of ULCRA, as it is usually referred to, were
laudable. It was to prevent the concentration of urban land and to promote housing for the
poor in cities. But in actual practice ULCRA has reduced the supply of land, inflated land
prices, served as a dampener on housing and construction activities and impeded the timely
closure of sick companies in places like Mumbai, Calcutta, Ahmedabad and Kanpur in a
manner that would protect the interests of labour and generate new economic activity.
Clearly, ULCRA is bad law and worse economics.
Under the Act, applications amounting to about 10 lakh
acres have been received. After "scrutiny" and "disposal", phrases
associated with discretionary powers that fuel corruption, the amount of vacant land in
excess of ULCRA's ceilings has been whittled down to five lakh acres. The grease-intensity
of ULCRA has been further increased by "exempting" about one-fourth of the five
lakh acres on various grounds. Less than nine per cent of the 5.5 lakh acres -- about
38,000 acres -- has physically been acquired. Housing schemes have been initiated on 2,000
acres. Theoretically, over 40 million houses could be built on the five lakh acres of
excess vacant land.
In October 1992 , P.V. Narasimha Rao's cabinet first
considered liberalisation of ULCRA. It buried the amendments by referring them to a group
of ministers. In July 1995, Rao's cabinet considered the matter once again but this time
it went one better in delay tactics and said that the matter must be discussed by all
political parties. Then came H.D. Deve Gowda, who as chief minister had actually got the
Karnataka Assembly to pass a resolution asking the Centre to repeal ULCRA. But as prime
minister, he set up another committee to suggest amendments to ULCRA. The committee
submitted its report in April 1997 by which time Deve Gowda had fallen.
I.K. Gujral's cabinet considered ULCRA changes in July 1997
and decided to refer it to a group of ministers headed by Murasoli Maran. Maran suggested
a large number of amendments which were considered by Gujral's cabinet in October 1997,
only to see yet another postponement. A frustrated Kautilya recalls reminding Gujral that
he had piloted ULCRA in Parliament in 1976 as minister for works and housing and that he
now had a historic opportunity of proving Mark Antony ("The evil that men do lives
after them") wrong. Gujral was vastly amused and promised to get it done. His cabinet
met once again on November 13, 1997, but for some reason Gujral lost his nerve at the
crucial moment. It was left to Maran, P. Chidambaram and S. Jaipal Reddy to push through
the repeal. But Gujral's government fell before a repeal bill could be introduced in
Parliament.
Mercifully, the BJP appointed an iconoclast as its minister
for urban development. In June 1998, Ram Jethmalani introduced a bill in the Lok Sabha for
ULCRA's repeal. It subsequently went to the Standing Committee on Urban and Rural
Development for examination. The 45-member committee submitted its report on December 21,
1998, recommending repeal. There were only two dissenters. One of them, Shabana Azmi,
wrote that the committee was right in concluding ULCRA had been a failure but wrong in
asking for its repeal.
Jethmalani's ordinance to repeal ULCRA has to be converted
into a bill and approved by Parliament. Even if Parliament repeals it, some state
governments like the one in Mumbai are planning to have their own ULCRAs for
"obvious" reasons. Jethmalani has to spearhead a campaign to combat this. He
must also canvass for a tax on vacant land to encourage its use.
In Parliament itself, the argument will inevitably be made
that it would be unfair to do away with ceilings on urban land while keeping ceilings on
farm land. This is a shibboleth. Urban land and farm land are fundamentally different. In
the language of economics, the supply of farm land is " inelastic", while the
supply of urban land is "elastic". Ceilings on farm land have a strong
redistributive element. Even though farm-ceiling laws have been circumvented, some 53 lakh
acres have been distributed to about 54 lakh rural families. This is not an insignificant
achievement. The capacity utilisation of land has not reduced in this process, unlike
ULCRA's impact. The supply of farm land is fixed, while that of urban land is flexible in
addition to having a vertical dimension.
Given the acute pressure on land in rural India and the
lack of unambiguous evidence to suggest that productivity in large farms is higher than in
small farms, it is more equitable and efficient to create a market in rural land. As a
first step, the lease market for farm land should be freed. But this has to be accompanied
by a system of up-to-date land records, something in which modern information technology
(IT) can be of great value.
--The author is secretary of the AICC's
Economic Affairs Department.
The views expressed here are his own. |