May 18  , 1998

India's ruling party wants to have thebest of both worlds -- effective governace without succumbing to the allurements of power and office.

By Swapan Dasgupta

Perhaps it was Gandhinagar's oppressive heat. Perhaps it was the weariness of a punishing general election. Perhaps it was the disappointment over the initial performance of a government that they had waited 18 years for. Whatever the reason, the impressive arrangements at the BJP's National Council meet could hardly compensate for the one commodity that was absent among the 2,500 delegates: enthusiasm. What was billed as a celebration of nationalist triumph and an occasion to look ahead, ended up as a tired ritual.

Not even the "able leader" could reclaim the heights of euphoria the BJP is accustomed to. In his mandatory end-of-session marg darshan, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee drew the loudest cheers when he expressed dismay at the over-bearing security surrounding him. "I don't like people to be kept waiting because the PM sahib is passing," he said. "If the trend persists, he won't remain PM. He will become an MP." It was a characteristic Vajpayee one-liner. And it struck a responsive chord because it epitomised the undercurrent of concern in the BJP: a growing alienation between the party and its Government.

It was a theme articulated most forcefully by film star Shatrughan Sinha at the closed-door session of the National Executive. He singled out Gujarat Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel and Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Gopinath Munde for displaying "astounding arrogance". Although many attributed Sinha's dissidence to his inability to make it to the Union Cabinet, few could disagree with the thrust of his intervention. Outgoing party president L.K. Advani warned that "a party that lets itself be overwhelmed by the trappings of power inevitably loses its direction and sense of purpose". Noble words that were offset by furious backroom lobbying for future ministerial berths and Rajya Sabha seats, not to mention the Gujarat Government's blatant misuse of the official machinery for the session.

Vajpayee tried to philosophise the issue by suggesting that "political work is not merely the quest for power". He praised party President Kushabhau Thakre -- a leader lacking a public profile -- as an antidote to a mad quest for power, but the leadership was sufficiently rattled by the rank-and-file unease. It even nominated a committee to evolve a mechanism for bridging the party-government gap, a curious phenomenon for a party that claims to be cadre-driven. "We can accommodate only 5 per cent of the workers in official posts," says Pramod Mahajan, "but the other 95 per cent feel left out. So they don't work for the party. We lose an election. Then they feel left out even more."

Mahajan's cyclical view begs the main reason for disquiet. If BJP workers sense a distance from the Government, it is not because ministers are niggardly in distributing goodies, but because there is a political void. Having got to government, the party is confused what to do next. In his long-winded presidential address, Thakre emphasised that the "organisation should not become a part of the establishment" and should "serve as a bridge connecting the Government with the masses". Unfortunately, the role of a sorting office doesn't exactly inspire a party that has traditionally been driven by an ideological motor. The BJP is most comfortable with big issues.

Both Vajpayee and Advani appear to have gauged this. The prime minister was categorical that "we haven't reached our objective. The yatra will continue, but its nature will change". On his part, Advani responded to the confused response to his "New BJP" speech to the National Executive in Delhi on April 11 by stressing that "the BJP is the most central idea of Indian polity today". But this "ideological movement" can be promoted through political dexterity. Today's situation demanded that the BJP "enrich its governance capabilities" and "deepen and widen its horizons of concerns". "We have not forgotten anything," he told the delegates by way of reassurance. Vajpayee too ended the session with a cryptic, "I remember everything."

Having an elephantine memory, however, will not galvanise the party workers who actually expect a "government with a difference", never mind the pitfalls of coalition politics. To inject meaning into post-government existence, the BJP leadership has honed in on a three-pronged approach.

First, to satisfy the urges of creative ideology, it will initiate a national debate on the presidential system of governance. Advani fired the first salvo when he forcefully argued that democracy was an essential feature of the Constitution, not parliamentary democracy. The theme is certain to be pursued by others and will provide the BJP another opening into the middle classes who are fed up with political turmoil and uncertainty. It will also give the party a plank on which to seek a decisive mandate the next time.

Secondly, the party is aware that on the question of the nitty-gritty of handling power it is relatively inexperienced. Yet, if this inexperience comes through in governance, the electorate will certainly not be accommodating. "The people have today put us on probation," said Advani bluntly. To seek confirmation in the job, the BJP sought to make the debate on the political resolution more governance-oriented. Unfortunately, there were few takers. Most of the interventions were high on rhetoric and pedestrian in substance. As a short-cut measure, Advani even spoke of the need to "attract more and more educated, skilled professionals" into the BJP "and give them specific responsibilities". This approach, however, will entail cutting through the deeply hierarchical traditions of the Sangh Parivar and may be stillborn.

Finally, the BJP is going to focus its energies on changing what General Secretary K. Govindacharya once called its chal, charitra aur chehra (behaviour, character and persona). Caste, in particular, is set to become an important consideration for a party that has always been accused of an upper-caste bias. The party will consciously promote Dalits, adivasis and backward-caste leaders in future, even if it involves offending some communities that have traditionally sided with the party. The south and east will also be specifically targeted. For a party with a 1.25 crore membership, it will be a delicate balancing act.

But these are long-term projects. For the moment, the BJP gives the impression of intense weariness after a long-distance race. "We are still groping for a sense of direction," admits a general secretary. "We are yet to comprehend the dynamics of power." No wonder Gujarat Health Minister Ashok Bhatt's "gift" to the National Executive was so well appreciated. It contained ayurvedic remedies for indigestion, constipation and congestion. A pity Dhanvantari never considered confusion a curable ailment.

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