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PAKISTAN Sharif's Midlife Crisis With a stagnant economy, waning popularity and the Opposition itching to oust him, the Pakistan PM faces his most serious challenge halfway through his tenure. By Raj Chengappa in Pakistan On the face of it nothing appears to have changed in Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's lifestyle. Last Saturday, as he does on most weekends, Sharif, 47, flew down to Lahore to play cricket for a couple of hours with the local team at the Gymkhana ground. Donning whites, he went out to open the batting, his favourite position, slogged 89 runs and after the match even fielded questions from journalists. He seemed cocky about his performance and dismissed the turnout at opposition rallies against him as insignificant.
Exactly midway through his second tenure as prime minister, Sharif, who had emerged as the most powerful civilian head of government ever, suddenly appears vulnerable. After Kargil, Sharif's personal popularity dropped as people remain confused over the real aim of engaging India in a serious border conflict. His reputation as a businessman-prime minister has taken a severe beating with the economy still in a shambles and over 5,000 industrial units, both large and medium, falling sick. His recent efforts to jump-start the economy by launching highly populist schemes, including the construction of five lakh houses for the poor and 5,000 km of motorways connecting villages, have been greeted with cynicism by his opponents. Last week his woes doubled when he was forced by the imf, which had helped the country stave off bankruptcy by rescheduling loans, to announce a highly unpopular 15 per cent hike in sales tax on a range of food and fuels. So, will Nawaz go? Faced with such a bagful of woes, coupled with the humiliation over Kargil, any other prime minister in the past would have been toppled. But Sharif is still in firm control of all the levers of powers in Pakistan, whether it's the presidency, the army or Parliament. The ruling Pakistan Muslim League (PML) has a decisive majority of 136 seats in the 217-member National Assembly. Hence there is very little threat of a democratic ouster unless his own party revolts against him. Though there have been murmurs of dissent, Sharif so far remains unchallenged in the PML. His main opposition, the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), is floundering after a special court sentenced its leader Benazir Bhutto to five years in jail having found her guilty of corruption. Bhutto has chosen to remain abroad while appealing to the Supreme Court against the verdict. None of the other parties can seriously challenge Sharif although they could be a tremendous nuisance and embarrass him at times. The right-wing Jamaat-e-Islami has come out strongly against the prime minister. But while it has the ability to draw huge crowds and has the backing of the mullahs, its electoral muscle has always been suspect. The pml's erstwhile ally in Sindh, the Muttaheda Qaumi Movement (MQM) which controls Karachi, has had a bitter parting of ways with Sharif. It is even contemplating joining hands with its arch rival, the PPP, to bring down the government through a series of agitations. It is a threat that Sharif will have to take cognizance of because the rest of the Opposition consists of, as one of his aides put it, "tonga parties". Sharif, though, is not underestimating the most serious challenge he faces in his two-and-half-year rule. Political observers have noticed a dramatic change in his style of functioning. Earlier he had been accused of operating largely through a coterie that included his brother and Chief Minister of Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif. Now, the prime minister makes sure that the cabinet meets regularly and all important decisions are taken by it. He has also been going out of his way to pacify the army which is upset that it had to take much of the flak for the Kargil misadventure. During the Independence Day celebrations, the Government announced as many as 64 medals for bravery, including the highest award, the Nishan-i-Haider, given posthumously to two of its soldiers who died fighting in Kargil. It is his handling of the economy, however, that will prove crucial to Sharif's survival in the coming months. Much of the current problem stems from the sanctions imposed by the US after the Chagai nuclear tests in May 1998. And the Rs 5.6 billion bail-out that Pakistan sought from the IMF the year before that. The past few years have seen exports stagnate at $8 billion annually and last year it even declined by 12 per cent. The economy's growth rate has been falling steadily -- last year it grew at 3.1 per cent as compared to a low 4.3 per cent during 1997-98. The Pakistani rupee has been devalued twice. The stock market too has been volatile. From a high of 1,500 points it shed 800 points after the nuclear tests and has now recovered to around 1,200 points. With revenue collection falling well short of targets, the deficit has been ballooning, as has government debt. Sharif has to walk a treacherous path. The IMF is calling for higher taxes and cut in expenditure. At the same time, the prime minister is hoping that pumping government funds into the housing scheme for the poor and the motorways projects will revive the construction industry and give a boost to economic growth. If these measures fail, the Opposition fears that people's disillusionment may lead to increased lawlessness and possibly anarchy. Already, Sharif has been accused of pampering his native Punjab at the expense of other provinces. The Opposition believes this could lead to increased sectarian conflicts. There is even talk of a sort of Talibanisation taking place within Pakistan though both the Government and key opposition leaders dismiss such fears as unfounded. For India, the uncertainty in Pakistan is troubling. Any substantial dialogue with Pakistan can take place only after the new government is formed in India. With anti-India feelings still high, rising frustrations in Pakistan could manifest itself in acts of aggression. It is a situation that can test even the best of politicians. In the past, Sharif has shown that he is capable of taking tough decisions and battling against great odds. Now is the time for him to prove his mettle. For doomsayers, though, the late Pakistani poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz had an answer. Once asked what he thought could happen to Pakistan, he replied: "Barkhurdar, mujhe khauf to ye hai ki kuch bhi nahi hoga. Aise hi chalte rahega (Young man, my fear is that nothing will happen. Things will continue the way they are)." That perhaps reflects the current mood of cynicism in Pakistan.
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