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Pakistan Talking If India has to negotiate with Musharraf so be it.
Rescuing the "Lahore spirit" from the diplomatic morgue is entirely in India's interest. Churlish as it may seem, the replacement of civilian greyness with military clarity may actually be a boon. When Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Nawaz Sharif began talking, the optimism flowed from the fact that both represented hardline socio-political constituencies. As was made famous by Richard Nixon and China, a peace fashioned by such elements is generally more durable. Viewed through a value-neutral, non-judgmental prism, this process can be furthered by General Pervez Musharraf's takeover. Negotiating directly with the army, rather than with a nominal civilian leader, could just be more effective. The other option is to take the moral high ground and refuse to resume talks until popular government is restored. That would isolate Pakistan's new rulers, drive them into a corner and push an anyway tenuously united country towards self-destruction. In a nuclearised environment that would also mean rolling out the red carpet for disaster. Ironical as it may seem, to secure peace Vajpayee will have to engage the generals. the very least, let it attempt to. Crack the Whip Give your ministers time-bound tasks Mr Vajpayee
With a plethora of experienced MPs looking for ministerial openings, Vajpayee is well-positioned to keep his ministers on their toes. An under-performer can be replaced fairly easily. By playing on their fears and monitoring their performance zealously, Vajpayee could get his juniors to perform to optimum capacity. But an overactive prime minister is in nobody's interest, least of all that of the prime minister himself. In 1998, for example, the sluggish start to the finance minister's innings resulted in the PMO initiating economic policy. Ideally, Vajpayee's role should be confined to setting the broader agenda and leaving the nitty-gritty to his ministers. He should set each of them time-bound tasks and give them functional autonomy for the period. Should they fail to deliver he should sack them, no questions asked. With this judicious mix of liberalism and ruthlessness, Vajpayee may finally give Indians the governance they seek. |
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Perhaps the most short-sighted
reaction to the coup in Pakistan would be to resort to an animated bout of
self-congratulation. Indians can gleefully tell themselves that they constitute a
democracy, warts and all, and that Pakistan is only a caricature of a free society. The
expression of such glee will only divert attention from the main issue -- -- Pakistan's
rising instability. In recent years, that country has pursued a fervid missile and nuclear
programme, much of it preceding Pokhran II. There is the growing influence of the
religious right, bolstered no doubt by the presence of the Taliban across the Durand Line.
Civilian-military relations have reached their nadir following Kargil. For India, the one
ray of hope came with the prime minister's bus journey to Lahore. All that now seems
destined for the dustbin of history. It need not be. 
It would be unfair to criticise Atal Bihari
Vajpayee's 70-member Council of Ministers as too large and unwieldy. Had he been running a
single-party government such a complaint may have been justified. The point is, with 25
parties making up the National Democratic Alliance and an array of senior politicians and
former ministers in the running for office, a certain size was unavoidable. The prime
minister has had to be creative in his approach. There is, for instance, now a
full-fledged cabinet minister for culture and youth affairs. Till the previous government,
this came under the purview of the human resource development minister. In theory, this
job creation is regrettable and certainly not in keeping with a mindset committed to
downsizing the government. The exigencies of a coalition, of course, dictate otherwise.
Yet even these handicaps can be converted to advantages. To what degree Vajpayee succeeds
will determine the efficacy of his administration.