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CLINTON'S VISIT
No More TiltsPost-Pokhran
a congruence in US and Indian security interests is evident
By Frank
G. Wisner and
Marshall M. Bouton
 Not
since president Jimmy Carter travelled to India 22 years ago has an
American president set foot in South Asia. This fact alone marks President
Bill Clinton's March visit to South Asia with significance; but what will
give the visit lasting historic meaning will be the opportunity for the
President, through his meetings with India's leaders and his public
appearances, to set a new course for US-India relations.
The Clinton Administration and India under Prime Minister Atal Bihari
Vajpayee have both recognised the necessity of a closer, more
multi-faceted relationship. Unfortunately, deteriorating relations between
India and Pakistan caused by the Kargil conflict of last summer, the coup
in Pakistan last October, and the Kandahar hijacking of an Indian Airlines
plane by terrorists present fresh challenges and highlight the importance
of the dialogue which America and India ought to develop. At the same
time, the US must not allow tensions within South Asia, or any other
single issue, to determine the course of India-US relations. The
relationship must be broad-based if it is to address hard questions.
Americans who have thought hard about South Asia and peace in the region
believe that this visit's most important contribution will be President
Clinton's success in transforming India-US relations. The US must get what
we call "traction" in the larger relationship with India, and
must form a partnership of trust and broad exchange. Only then will our
ability to pursue important American interests -- among them
reconciliation between India and Pakistan -- begin to flourish.
Changing global realities have brought us to a turning point in America's
relationship with India. The Cold War has ended; there are no poles to
separate us. The past decade has ushered the growing Indian market into
the world system via India's ongoing economic reforms. An evolving
congruence in the US and Indian security interests has been evident in
high-level dialogue since the May 1998 nuclear tests. The vibrant Indian
diaspora -- increasing in number, influence, and visibility -- adds a new
and welcome dimension to the increasing Indo-US ties. These are all a good
start, and will form the basis of an ascendant relationship.
We see a policy of deepening engagement as mutually beneficial to our two
nations. It will create a context of trust for dealing with sensitive
regional and global security issues such as non-proliferation and
terrorism.
India cannot but be a major factor for stability in Asia in the
21st century, an Asia with which the US must maintain regular, high-level
dialogue. India and the US share a commitment to managing our multi-ethnic
societies through democratic processes -- a commitment which could be a
potent antidote to the poison of ethnic enmity now threatening many
nations. With so many ways to take the Indo-US relationship forward, the
Clinton visit should be seen in both countries as merely the starting
point to what we can accomplish in this century.
India's economy, poised for take-off if the reforms proceed, offers
important opportunities to American companies and investors, not only
through enormous new markets, but additionally through its supply of
low-cost skilled labour. In the dynamic knowledge-based industries, such
as information technology and biotechnology, India and America have
complementary advantages in an open world trading system. America is
already India's largest trading partner and investor. Working closely with
the US and Americans will surely enhance India's prospects in the
international market.
But the markets' bottom line will not be the only benefit of a stronger
Indo-US engagement. A progressively deeper Indian commitment to compete in
a globalised, free market economy is surely the best way to alleviate the
burdens of poverty India has carried over the centuries. The US should
send a signal that America has benefited from the information technology
revolution and is prepared to share these benefits. The world must not be
divided into "haves" and "have NOTS"; the more access
to information technology spreads, the better off everyone will be.
Furthermore, in all the pressing social issues -- public health, human
rights, poverty alleviation, education, environment -- that are central to
American foreign policy in the 21st century, India will be pivotal.
World-class Indian NGOs are identifying entrepreneurial solutions to many
global issues, and their counterparts in the US are natural allies and can
learn much from them.
Between India and America, there is much to do in containing the dangers
of the nuclear age; in strengthening democracy; in expanding cooperation
in science; in combating the new diseases which afflict the world; in
designing new approaches to energy; and in cooperating to ensure that
knowledge-based trade is not impeded by the actions of governments. Indian
and American officials can also usefully discuss the future of the WTO,
APEC, the global macro-economic situation as well as the policies which
contribute to economic growth and social justice. Our governments should
agree that our top officials meet regularly.
Of course, India and the US have and will continue to have differences on
a variety of international issues. Managing them is key. India's new
nuclear status poses difficult challenges for American policy. India will
lead the developing world in resisting western pressure to link
environmental and labour standards to trade, though over time it is likely
to be a force for moderation and compromise on these issues. India will
certainly resist US intervention in South Asia, which it would see as
inimical to its security or national integrity.
Dealing with South Asian tensions is in the interests of India and the US.
It will be difficult to forge new patterns of thought. Indian memories of
past US "tilts" towards Pakistan are long. President Clinton's
visit should begin a process of our nations thinking together about how to
deal with South Asian tensions. President Clinton must argue forcefully
for restraint and negotiations, and quietly offer the assistance of the US
in reducing tensions. At the same time, India must be forthright in making
clear its assumptions and objectives. A way to peace must be found.
A robust Indo-US relationship, one commensurate with India's
importance and which will develop over time, will engender mutual
confidence and provide incentives for our countries to narrow differences
and deepen cooperation. We see President Clinton's passage to India as a
way to open this new era in Indo-US relations, and in so doing, lay one of
the foundation stones of global peace and prosperity in the 21st
century.
Redraw
Images
The
US needs to spell out its new vision for the south Asian Region
By
Abid Hussain
There
is no Clinton-mania in India. But we warmly welcome Mr Bill Clinton as the
President of one of the biggest powers in the world. India is taking a
very practical, seasoned view of the whole visit which is basically to
enhance bilateral-relations specially in economic, scientific and
technology related areas.
President Clinton is not on a Bharat Darshan, nor is he coming here to
humour us. His visit signifies India's growing importance in the eyes of
the US. India is no longer the back-number which it was once thought to
be. The "scratches on the mind" of the US Administration are
being obliterated. There is a willingness on both sides to forget those
aspects of the Cold War which created walls of misunderstanding between
our two countries. And, therefore, this visit signifies a serious attempt
by both sides to redraw the images of each other.
President Clinton has a stake in peace in South Asia. He considers this
region to be a "flash-point" and, therefore, one can understand
his anxiety over the proliferation of nuclear arms. He is also afraid that
some of the adjacent countries may perhaps get nuclear technology from
Pakistan. Hence Clinton, before he ends his term, would like to find a way
to prevent tensions in this region from developing into a destructive
confrontation. Clinton is also trying to leave a legacy behind, a place in
history as the man who bridged the differences between warring groups.
In the light of the present security situation, India cannot rush into
signing the CTBT. Much would have to change in the neighbourhood before we
do anything on that score. If the US has not been able to ratify the CTBT,
it will understand why we cannot proceed with the treaty. In a democratic
society, commitments of this magnitude require a base of popular support
if it is to be sustained. The US, during the Cold War, had to be very
careful on the issue of nuclear disarmament with the then Soviet Union. It
must, therefore, appreciate that, given our strains and tensions with
Pakistan at this time and the unpredictability of the mood of its leaders,
we cannot go down a road which might create an incentive for war. India
cannot leave its security to the preferences or judgement of others. At
the same time, we do not want to base our security on military power
alone.
Clinton also wants to facilitate the growing interests of MNCS in Asia.
China and India are the two areas marked out by the MNCS. And if he can do
anything in these areas, he will help the big business lobbies in the US
vis-a-vis the MNCS of other equally interested countries. Apart from this,
I think there is a romantic urge to see India.
We do not want an American "tilt" in our favour. Nor do we want
the previous imbalances to come back. The US President shaking hands with
an undemocratic leader would convey a wrong message to the world. In the
long term, it may well weaken the domestic and foreign resolve to prevent
anti-democratic forces from becoming strong. The message we expect the US
to convey is that undemocratic forces are unacceptable.There are lots of
things Clinton could do about Pakistan. He must make it clear to them that
an undemocratic system today is as dangerous as a fascist state.
Furthermore, we have to watch and see how the US deals with the issue of
cross-border terrorism. From our point of view, this is one of the most
important issues on which Clinton will have to speak his mind to General
Pervez Musharraf. India needs the help of the world's only superpower on
other fronts too. We would like to know about Clinton's vision of the
future and how India fits into it. His position on a permanent seat for
India in the Security Council is vital.
The US is a treasure house of technology. India would like to get
the latest technologies to raise its levels of production and development.
The controls on dual-use technologies, in our view, are used to deny
technologies to India. This should end quickly. Tomorrow's world is going
to be dominated by knowledge, technologies and systems. We need to access
these on terms mutually beneficial. Overall, I am positive about President
Clinton's visit.
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