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September 4 Issue




COVER
 

Green Berets
A few single-minded crusaders fight for India's wildlife-or what's left of it environment.

 
ECONOMY
 

Perform Or Perish
Rich states protest against the precedence to poverty over performance in allocation of funds.

 
THE NATION
 

Whimsical Goodbye
Uma Bharati's reckless streak shows up again, this time making her quit the Lok Sabha.

 
Columns
 

Fifth Column
by Tavleen Singh
Rewarding The Brats

 
 

Kautilya
by Jairam Ramesh
Naidu's Wrong

 
 

Right Angle
by Swapan Dasgupta
Shoring Up Our Nerves

 
 

Politically Correct
by P. Chidambaram
Let The Market Decide

 
Other stories
  The Nation  
  Sports  
  Neighbours  
  Lifestyle  
  Obituary  
  Cinema  
  Entertainment  
NewsNotes
 

Language Barrier
These are nightmarish days for officials and other staff at Parivahan Bhavan...

 
  Dwelling On Correctness
Politicians are normally not known to vacate government premises...


 
 

Yielding Place To New
The day the Jharkhand is officially created, Raj Bhawan in Patna will have a new occupant...

more...

 
 



 
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ECONOMY: 11th FINANCE COMMISSION
Charity Begins At Home

The posturing notwithstanding, what the rich states are saying is that they can no longer pay for the cause of regional equality. On the face of it, they are not entirely incorrect. Antithetical as it may sound, all rich states in India are swimming in deficit, with expenditure galloping way ahead of their income. Maharashtra, Punjab and Andhra Pradesh have piled up debts of up to 35 per cent of state incomes. Astonishingly, Bihar scores higher than Punjab, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh or Tamil Nadu on an index of fiscal self-reliance developed by the EFC. The moral: charity begins at home. So, the rich do not have money to contribute to regional equality.

There is also an element of equality fatigue. Even after 50 years of attempts at achieving economic equality, inter-state disparities have only grown-especially in the 1990s. In 1980-81 Punjab's per capita income (PCI) in real terms (adjusted for inflation) was Rs 3,020 a year and Bihar's Rs 1,062 a year. By 1996-97, Punjab's PCI had risen to Rs 4,935 per annum, but Bihar's had inched up to just Rs 1,245 a year, widening the income gap between the two states. No wonder, cynics have raised doubts about the efficacy of transferring resources from rich to poor to end disparity. Particularly so because most poor states are notorious for squandering public money. Since per capita income is one of the key determinants of a state's share in Central taxes (lower income states get more funds), the rise in economic disparity has enlarged the share of poor states and cut into the proportion of the rich ones. "State leaderships have begun to see the benefits of reforms and want to ensure that these benefits accrue to them, instead of being frittered away on other states," observes Indira Rajaraman, professor at the Delhi-based National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP).

Then there are states like Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh which have been striving to attain fiscal solvency and reform the state economy. That makes them fight for every penny that goes from their kitty to other states. Rajasthan's combined share in taxes and grants has risen by a whisker, from 5.03 per cent to 5.42 per cent, even as its percentage share in the tax revenues has fallen a bit. Laments Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot, who after the creation of three new states will be heading India's largest state: "Our struggle against underdevelopment needs greater financial support."

Logical as the case of the rich states may seem, their attack on the EFC is fallacious on a number of counts. The most specious is the gripe against the fall in their percentage share of Central taxes. In absolute terms every state-rich or poor-will get substantially more funds from the EFC award than it received from the TFC. That's simply because the size of the divisible tax pool has swelled by 83 per cent-from Rs 2,06,000 crore under the TFC to Rs 3,76,318 crore under the EFC. From the tax pool (grants are not governed by uniform distribution formula) alone, Andhra Pradesh will get 66 per cent and Maharashtra 38 per cent more money under the EFC award than they received under the TFC.

Surely, in terms of percentage their share have fallen, but that's a natural consequence of restructuring. Quips EFC Chairman A.M. Khusro: "If every state's percentage share had to rise, the total wouldn't have added up to 100 per cent." Besides, why must the TFC be the benchmark to judge the EFC award? The very reason why finance commissions are reconstituted every five years is because old awards need to be reviewed. This is especially true for Andhra Pradesh which is leading the dissent against the EFC. The state got an unduly high share of Central taxes in the TFC simply because it imposed prohibition on liquor when the TFC was formulating its award. Since prohibition was to result in a substantial revenue loss, the TFC compensated the state by granting an extra Rs 658 crore. But Andhra Pradesh revoked the prohibition within two years and the anticipated loss in revenue did not take place. By then the TFC award was already underway. Andhra Pradesh was the fourth largest recipient of funds under the TFC, under the EFC its position is fifth.

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COLUMN  



The stock markets are humming, and it's feel-good time once again, writes INDIA TODAY Associate Editor V. Shankar Aiyar in
Au Contraiyar.

 
DESPATCHES  


Her Majesty's tongue is becoming a rage in Maharashtra schools, despite Thackeray's edict against it. INDIA TODAY Principal Correspondent Farah Baria captures the trend in Despatches.

 
EXTRAS

Full coverages
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» 1971: The Untold Story
» Veerappan Strikes Again
» The Tiger Catastrophe
» The SriLankan crisis
» The Kashmir jigsaw
»The Nepal Gameplan

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