September 18 Issue




COVER
 

Above Pain and Glory
The Olympic Games are not just about victory. They are about the tragedy, the struggle and the humanity of ordinary people...

Sydney Waits...
Top Stars To Watch
The Gift Of Gold

 
STATES
 

Battle For Bengal
As political violence engulfs the state, Jyoti Basu finds Mamata Banerjee's offensive and the threat of Central intervention serious enough to reconsider his decision to bow out as chief minister after 23 years.

 
STATES
 

Lodged In A Mess
This time Jayalalitha is charged with funding the purchase of two hotels in England.

 
Columns
 

Fifth Column
by Tavleen Singh
Villages Of Woes

 
 

Kautilya
by Jairam Ramesh
Pipedreams To Pipelines

 
  Politically Correct
by P Chidambaram
Order In The House

 
 

Right Angle
by Swapan Dasgupta
Responding To A Gesture

 
 

Flipside
by Dilip Bobb
Ill Timed

 
Other stories
  Cyber Chatter  
  Interview  
  Cinema  
  Crime  
  Nation  
  States  
  Health  
  The Arts  
  Business  
NewsNotes
 

Ill Omens
Before Yashwant Sinha set off for the US for treatment...

 
  Like Shishya, Like Guru
Naveen Patnaik is taking lessons in Oriya
 
 

Victory Bid
S.S. Dhindsa was all set to leave for Sydney...

more...

 
 



 
  Home  
 

POLITICALLY CORRECT
Order In The House

Setting fixed terms for our leaders could get us out of the chaos of bad governance

By P. Chidambaram

Of the three branches of the State, the judiciary alone is a closed shop. Only law graduates can become lawyers and only lawyers can become judges. The executive and the legislative branches are very different in this respect. Anyone can become a legislator, as long as he or she is 25 years of age and is registered as a voter. Anyone? Yes, anyone, and if you open your eyes wide and look around the truth will hit you like a sledgehammer. History-sheeters, accused, undertrials, convicted persons and even prisoners can-and have-become legislators and parliamentarians. Not by sleight of hand or cheating the law, but by romping home at elections. So much for our parties' commitment to clean politics.

Anyone can become a minister too. The executive branch boasts of ministers who are well-known mafia dons and murderers. At the lower levels of the executive-corporations, municipalities and panchayat samitis-anyone can become chairperson. In Porbandar, Mahatma Gandhi's birthplace, a woman mafia don ran the municipality for many years. Mercifully, in a few cases, the President and state governors have required convicted persons to resign from the council of ministers.

Indian democracy is celebrating our diversity. Our diversity embraces not only our races, religions, languages and castes, but also our morals or lack of them. The absence of guiding principles and values is the bane of India's political parties. And because most parties have abandoned all defining principles, there is a mushrooming of parties revolving around one religion or caste or sub-caste.

Every caste group is straining at the leash to become a political party. In the past two months alone, at least three political parties were "born" in Tamil Nadu, each centred on one caste. Indian politics is now a prisoner of caste. In most states, political parties are genuflecting before caste-based parties. Next only to Bihar, and perhaps Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu is the playground for caste groups. This, in the land of Periyar, Kamaraj and Anna.

Another sorry consequence of the devaluation of politics is the person-centric party. The party is cast, or recast, in the image of the leader. Often, the leader includes his family. There are only three political parties which are exceptions to this rule: CPI, CPI(M) and the BJP (of today). Historically, the Congress had set the benchmarks for inner party democracy, but in recent years it has chosen to follow the rule rather than be an exception. The DMK, AIADMK, PMK, and MDMK in Tamil Nadu are person, or family-controlled parties. So are the Shiv Sena, TDP, Trinamool Congress, Samajwadi Party, RJD, AGP and HVP.

Given this depressing state, how can we expect effective governance? Governance is hostage to the caprice of caste leaders masquerading as leaders of political parties. Like in any endogamous tribe, the basic instincts of these parties are the preservation of the leader, the perpetuation of his control over the party and the advancement of the caste which provides the core support for the party.

Parliamentary democracy based on single-member territorial constituencies has strengthened these retrograde trends. A caste leader needs only to choose a "safe" constituency populated by members of his caste and also get a good number of his candidates elected from safe caste backyards. This will give him enough bargaining power in any dispensation. Slowly, he will manoeuvre to enlarge his party's political space through alliances or seat adjustments. His party may even win a few berths in the Central or state government. Witness the phenomenal rise of the Vanniyar-dominated PMK or the Yadav-dominated Samajwadi Party.

If there is still some measure of governance, and if there is some hope for reform, no thanks are due to our political parties. It is because we have the rule of law and because we have, from time to time, a few committed individuals among ministers and civil servants who know how to work the system and get things done. This, however, is a perilous course for a billion-strong nation. We cannot allow good economics to remain hostage to bad politics.

Is there a way out? Parliamentary democracy is too entrenched in India, and cannot be altered easily. In fact, there is no need to alter democracy's basic structure. Let single-member territorial constituencies continue to elect members to the legislatures and Parliament. But we should consider the idea of electing the chief ministers and the prime minister for a fixed term, in a one-person-one-vote direct election. Let the chief ministers and the prime minister choose one half of their ministers from members of the legislatures or Parliament and the other half from outside. To prevent dictatorial tendencies, let us throw in a two-term limit for the chief minister and prime minister.

I know I am thinking out of the box. That is because my prime concern is how to rescue governance from the chaos created by our political parties.

(The author is a former Indian finance minister and a TMC leader)

Top

 
 
 
     METRO TODAY
  MetroScape  
   


The Kitsch Queen
Anjolie Ela Menon seems happy enough to be caught by the high-riding kitsch wave sweeping the subcontinent.
more...

Looking Glass
Delhi: Film Festival

Mumbai: Restaurant

Munnar: Resort

Pune: Store

 
    Web Exclusives

COLUMN  

The Government should encash at least a part of its stake in LIC and GIC before its too late, suggests INDIA TODAY associate Editor V. Shankar Aiyar in Au Contraiyar.


 
DESPATCHES  


With the failure rate rising to a dismal 70 per cent, the Uttar Pradesh High School and Intermediate Board has some accounting to do. INDIA TODAY Special Correspondent Subhash Mishra reports on the gross irregularities in
Despatches.

 
EXTRAS

Full coverages
with columns, infographics, audio reports.

» 1971: The Untold Story
» Veerappan Strikes Again
» The Tiger Catastrophe
» The SriLankan crisis
» The Kashmir jigsaw
»The Nepal Gameplan

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