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02 October 2000 Issue




COVER
  War Of The Dons
The bid on the life of Chhota Rajan intensifies his war with the Dawood gang and raises fears of a bloodbath in Mumbai

 
SPORTS
 

Heavy Mettle
For the first time in 50 years an Indian woman meshes skill with struggle and sweat to make the incredible journey to an Olympic medal

 
THE NATION
 

State Of Unrest
In the run-up to Congress party polls, Khurshid's sacking reveals Sonia's effort to promote the Tiwari group as well as her unease at Jitendra Prasada's rising influence

 
Columns
 

Fifth Column
by Tavleen Singh
Nasty Reality

 
 

Kautilya
by Jairam Ramesh
Not Just IT it is Now GE

 
  Politically Correct
by P. Chidambaram
The Other Half's Lot

 
 

Right Angle
by Swapan Dasgupta
Now For The Home Front

 
Other stories
  PM's US visit  
  Gujarat  
  Business  
  Education  
  Cricket  
  Cinema  
  Health  
  Kerala  
  West Bengal  
  Cyberchatter

 
NewsNotes
 

Hung Jury

 
 

Mandap Mandate

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STATES: WEST BENGAL
Red Salute, Congress

With fear of Article 356 receding, the CPI(M) is bringing toughs to the fore

By Sumit Mitra

Mamata's belligerence has put Basu on red alert

The political storm that was blowing across Bengal over the CPI(M) attacks on Trinamool Congress bases has now shifted to the national capital and has weakened considerably. Instead of the activists exchanging bullets in rural Bengal, Jyoti Basu and Union Home Minister L.K. Advani are engaged in an epistolary war, with the West Bengal chief minister peppering his missive with such barbs as, "It is good that you have realised it is essential to protect the rights of religious minorities and to maintain communal harmony in the country." Railway Minister and Trinamool leader Mamata Banerjee, who had been clamouring for President's rule in West Bengal, is also subdued after Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee's remark in Frankfurt on his way back from the US that he is "in principle" opposed to the use of Article 356. "We want peace to be restored in West Bengal by any means, Central intervention if necessary," says Mamata. That's many decibels below her shrill cry for President's rule a few weeks back.

However, this temporary lull is not to be mistaken for peace. Now that the ruling Left Front is convinced that Central intervention in any form is highly unlikely---Article 356 will call for Congress support if it is in force for more than two months and the Congress is in no mood to oblige Mamata---it is getting ready for a long and bloody confrontation till the assembly elections next year. The CPI(M) has rung the curtain down on all speculation about Basu's resignation. The 18 district committee (DC) secretaries of the party are being summoned to the headquarters on Calcutta's Alimuddin Street almost every week for strategy conferences. One of the DC secretaries said on condition of anonymity, "We are about to formalise election committees at the booth level." There are over 35,000 polling booths spread across the state's 294 assembly constituencies. It is expected though that the Marxists will unpack their fabled election "machinery" pretty early on this time round because of the growing challenge from the Trinamool-BJP combine.

There is a new twist in the strategy though. Since the CPI(M) onslaught on Trinamool areas in Midnapore district last month, the party has found a new hero to showcase. He is Sushanta Ghosh, the young and aggressive minister of state for transport credited with masterminding the armed assaults on villages supporting the Trinamool. Ghosh was present with Basu in most of the chief minister's recent public meetings. At one such rally organised by the party's youth wing in Calcutta, veterans like state party Secretary Anil Biswas had to cut short their speech as the audience wanted to hear the message of "Comrade Sushanta Ghosh". Trinamool claims that Ghosh's official car was found transporting weapons to the beleaguered Keshpur area in Midnapore, earning him the epithet of "Arms Transport Minister".

Rising Mobocracy: The CPI(M), despite its long history of picket-line fights, has always coveted the "bhadralok" image of its top leaders, as distinct from the Congress which since the 1970s saw the rise of the "Sanjay brigade", not all of whom were on the right side of law. The top brass of the party-Biswas, Deputy Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and Politburo member Biman Bose-may be ideologically bullheaded but have no association with gangster types. The party always had its reserves of musclemen and dons but none of the mobocrats would share a public podium with leaders like Basu. With the ascendancy of Ghosh, the CPI(M) seems set for a cultural revolution of its own kind.

That means an inevitable invitation to political violence, but nobody has the power or the will to pre-empt it. West Bengal Congress chief Pranab Mukherjee avoids making a direct comment on whether his party would support promulgation of Article 356 in the Lok Sabha--"let the Centre act first"--but his party's strategy is clearly conditioned by its compulsion at the Centre where it is in step with the Left Front in the anti-BJP battle. To keep Basu unruffled at Writers' Building is a small price for the dividend it hopes to earn when the national leadership question is reopened in 2004, or before that if the NDA falters.

Mamata is certain that the secret to the CPI(M)'s success in the past elections lies in its misuse of governmental power. "Once out of power, they can't spread terror on polling day," she says. To get the Marxists out of power before the elections is not easy though and is quite impossible unless the Congress changes its strategy. With the Left determined to hold on to power by any means, Mamata needs to fight the poll battle on the terms set by the incumbent, not by her.

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