India Today Group Online
 


November 06, 2000 Issue




COVER
  Enter the Clonepatis
As Sony signs on Govinda, a deluge of quiz shows triggers prime-time dreams. Viewers see money, channels see revenues.


 
THE NATION
 

Left with no Choice
In a belated recognition of sweeping developments both at home and abroad, the CPI(M) grudgingly admits changes in its programme and distances itself from past ideological tenets

 
BUSINESS
 

Killing The Goose
A strike at India's biggest carmaker punctures its plans to retain primacy and retrieve the ground lost to competitors in recent times

 
Columns
 

Fifth Column
by Tavleen Singh
Ghosts of Perception

 
    Kautilya
by Jairam Ramesh
The Momentum of Drift


 
   

Right Angle
by Swapan Dasgupta
Trident of Belligerence

 
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  Music  
  Entertainment  
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  Living  
  Obituary  
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  Temples of Doom  
NewsNotes
 

On Cloud Nine

 
 

Angling for Power

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Going Steady: Lest We Forget

 
 



 
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FIFTH COLUMN

Ghosts of Perception

Imaginary grievances are driving a wedge between different communities

By Tavleen Singh

If there is one thing we can really do without it is the tedious litany of grievances that we hear from the self-appointed leaders of both Hindus and Muslims. When are they going to understand that an atmosphere of grievances helps nobody? And, that when it filters down to the semi-literate and the semi-informed it only intensifies feelings of fanaticism and the mentality of ghettos. It seems to be a season of grievances. First, we had the Big Chief of the RSS, K.S. Sudarshan, celebrate the 75th birthday of his organisation by whining about the threat of Christianity to Hindu India. How our tiniest minority (less than 2 per cent) constitutes a threat to a country that is 80 per cent Hindu only Chief Bongabong knows but he feels intimidated enough to complain constantly.

Then we had the new Imam of Delhi's Jama Masjid announcing plans to start a Muslim political party. He feels the need to do this, he told The Asian Age, because all that the Muslims got in 50 years of supporting secular leaders was a big, fat zero. "We did not accept Jinnah as our leader, we recognised only Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, V.P. Singh and others, but what have we got in return: only empty slogans and hollow promises," he declared. So, the solution of this wise new Muslim leader is a new version of the Muslim League, guaranteed to make even non-believers in Hindutva think that perhaps Chief Bongabong has a point. Result: more ghettoisation, more hatred, more communal tension. Imam Syed Ahmed Bukhari seems to think of this as a worthy objective or his first move would not have been to get in touch with Kashmiri Muslim leaders in support of his cause. Has he forgotten that the Kashmiri leaders he is trying to rally round want azadi for Kashmir? Does he think it will help the cause of Indian Muslims if they are seen to be supporting a violent, secessionist movement in Kashmir?

Only a few bad eggs: In an attempt to understand why Muslims have such a deep sense of grievance, I spent some time recently talking to students of the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). Everyone I spoke to felt deeply that Muslims were discriminated against in India. When I asked for examples of discrimination this is what I got. A group of students from the university were denied permission to witness the working of the Mathura Oil Refinery allegedly because they were from AMU; one student did not get a summer internship with a big corporate house and he believed it was only because he was Muslim; others imagined they would not get jobs because they were Muslims and AMU was, they all felt, being maligned in the national media because it was a Muslim institution. They resented AMU being viewed as a hotbed of Muslim terrorism merely because a few bad eggs had been found. None of these, in my view, is a serious complaint and yet there was an almost frightening atmosphere of grievance in the university. Teachers explained that this was part of the "post-Babri Masjid syndrome".

Funny, because most Hindus drawn to the khaki knickers of the RSS also believe that they have to avenge the destruction of Hindu India that Muslim invaders wrought. Muslims talk about one mosque coming down, they say, well what about the thousands of temples that Muslims destroyed? Where do we go from here? In one word: nowhere. For the next 50 years, as we have done for the past 50, we will continue to concentrate on imagined grievances instead of dealing with real problems. Both Hindus and Muslims in our fair and wondrous land live in appalling conditions, a vast majority, without clean drinking water, sanitation, healthcare, schools or anything that could be vaguely described as 21st century living standards. Yet, their leaders urge them to complain not about these things but about some imagined threat to their identity and faith.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee's supposedly communal Government seems to be encouraging this trend. How else to explain the Home Minister's presence at the RSS birthday party in Agra or his assertion that the BJP was inextricably linked to it? How else to explain why the film Fiza is now showing "tax free" in Mumbai and Delhi when its main message is: jehad is justified because the Indian state is unfair to Muslims. Neither the makers of the film, nor those who have exempted it from entertainment tax, appear to have noticed that Hindus get an equally bad deal from the Indian state and that if the soldiers of Hindutva also trot off on jehad we will end up with the same situation we saw in Punjab in the Bhindranwale days, except on a national scale. Hindu and Muslim leaders would do well to remember that the good Sant Bhindranwale's biggest weapon was the sense of grievance he created among the Sikhs. Look what it led to.

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