November 27, 2000 Issue




COVER
  The New Threat
Breast cancer is emerging as the most common form of cancer
among urban Indian women. But new treatments bring hope in an area of despair.


 
THE NATION
 

Victor's Cross
Re-election as party president was the least of Sonia's problems. She will have to balance coteries, and make difficult choices.


 
THE NATION
 

"It's like a re-birth"
Rajkumar is free, his fans are ecstatic but in the melee, the issue of Veerappan is forgotten.

 
Columns
 

Fifth Column
by Tavleen Singh
Comic Relief

 
    Kautilya
by Jairam Ramesh
High-Yielding Politicians


 
    Politically Correct
by P. Chidambaram
Private Notes


 
    Right Angle
by Swapan Dasgupta
Restoring the Balance


 
    FlipSide
by Dilip Bobb
The Coterie Watch

 
Other stories
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  Punjab  
  Defence  
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  Crime  
  Temples of Doom  
  Cyberwatch  
  Entertainment  
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NewsNotes
 

Verse and Worse

 
 

Friends Forever

More...

 
   

Fight the Draught

 
 



 
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SPORTS: TELECAST DEALS

Rights and Wrongs

The CBI steps up its drive against corruption in cricket by identifying suspect TV deals and cracking down on the men behind them

By Sayantan Chakravarty

When the CBI's grim-faced investigators arrived at the giant iron gates of 10 Alipore, Calcutta, last week, the bells rang ominously for Jagmohan Dalmiya. He kept the team waiting for an hour before relenting. Even as the investigators moved into his plush home, similar searches were being conducted on 24 other premises in Mumbai, Delhi, Lucknow and Bangalore at the homes and workplaces of Doordarshan officials and television executives-men known to Dalmiya.

FREEZE FRAMED: (clockwise from left) Wimbledon 1997; IIC Knock-out 1998, Dhaka; and the CBI raid on Dalmiya's residence in Calcutta

The raid on the home of the former president of the International Cricket Council (ICC) was part of the CBI's sweep aimed at investigating what it calls "murky dealings of Doordarshan officials". But unerringly, the spotlight fell on Dalmiya, one of Indian cricket's most influential officials. And the events that Monday morning had a particular resonance, coming as they did days after the CBI's match-fixing report that indicted cricket officialdom.

Unlike the CBI's foray into the illegal dealings of bookies and their attempts to bribe cricketers, telecast scams make for familiar territory. The deals on the purchase and sale of TV rights for lucrative cricket events, suspects the CBI, cost DD heavily through alleged overpricing during bids, dubious negotiations by DD officials and preferential treatment to a group of select TV companies. In return, the TV companies allegedly doled out favours to the DD officials in kind.

The CBI lodged five firs on DD's deals in sporting events, from the French Open tennis championship in 1997 to the 1999 World Cup cricket tournament. The agency estimates that the scams totalled over Rs 55 crore. The raids covered the residences of six past and present DD officials involved in the deals, as well as the premises of Mark Mascarenhas, chief executive of WorldTel and Dalmiya's close friend.

After the raids, a rattled Dalmiya said, "The CBI could have asked me for the ICC papers instead of raiding my house, thus sparing my family the harassment." The "papers" that he referred to are currently with the Income-Tax Department which acquired them during a raid on July 20.

The raids revived a controversial telecast deal that Dalmiya had struck as ICC president with the DD-Prasar Bharati combine for the TV rights of the 1998 ICC Knock-Out Trophy in Dhaka. While the fir in the Dhaka case does not name Dalmiya, it refers to "officials of the ICC Development (International) Limited (ICCDI) and the ICC", and Dalmiya was part of the negotiations for ICCDI's TV deals. The event has haunted Dalmiya since April this year when Arun Aggarwal, a former financial adviser in Prasar Bharati, produced a report on the "DD sports consortium" and its TV deals, including Dhaka. The consortium comprised private operators (WorldTel, Stracon, UTV, Creative Eye) involved in the domestic marketing of DD's sports events. The Aggarwal report, which named key cricket and TV figures, formed the basis of the CBI investigation and the five firs registered on November 8.

What is ominous for the raided parties-all the DD officials, as well as WorldTel, and its partner in the Dhaka deal, Stracon India Pvt Ltd led by Siddharth Ray-is that cases of criminal conspiracy and corruption have been registered against them. Says CBI Special Director Gopal Achari who supervised the raids: "We feel we have enough material to carry out a detailed probe." The agency will now track the payments made overseas, particularly those in the Dhaka deal. The trail is bound to lead the CBI to British Virgin Islands, where the ICCDI is headquartered, to Monaco (where bidding for the event took place), and to accounts in the Isle of Man (where payments were made).

In the case of the Dhaka deal, TV rights were divided into two segments-Indian (domestic) and extra-Indian (rest of the world). The CBI has access to incriminating documents that show Dalmiya guided DD to up its "Indian" rights offer from $4 million to $8 million (Rs 1.76 crore to Rs 3.52 crore). The evidence is in the form of DD Deputy Director-General Rakesh Bahadur's notings in DD files, which state: "I was called for discussions on February 27, 1998 (two days after the bids closed in Monaco) by David Richards, the then ICCDI MD, who emphasised follow-up negotiations with Dalmiya in Calcutta." Bahadur then met Dalmiya thrice in Calcutta. Why, the CBI asks, did Dalmiya take such a keen interest in the DD bid?

The reasons revolve around a three-way arrangement that was supposedly being worked out a week before the bids closed. On February 18, 1998, the ICC reportedly inserted a proviso in its bid document, insisting that 10 per cent of the bid amount be paid up front as bank guarantee. Surprisingly, DD which was bidding $11 million (Rs 4.84 crore) for both rights (Indian and overseas), stated it could not afford the guarantee and so asked Stracon-a Rs 25-lakh paid-up capital firm-to do the job. Stracon in turn asked Mascarenhas to furnish the guarantee. WorldTel agreed even though it was a rival bidder in the deal. In effect, the February 18 proviso enabled WorldTel to make a "back door" entry into the fray through the bank guarantee clause. Dalmiya may argue that as a good negotiator he was only helping the ICC make more money on the telecast rights. But Bahadur has, unwittingly, mentioned that he was, thanks to Dalmiya, privy to the bids of the rivals.

The probe is not a knee-jerk reaction to the Aggarwal report or the match-fixing scandal as there were rumblings over DD's earlier dealings too. The scams surrounding three events-at Roland Garros, Wimbledon and the four-nation Independence Cricket Cup of 1997-came to light following a letter from television company TV Today on June 6, 1997. Written to Deputy Director-General K. Kunhikrishnan, now a prime accused in the fir (and involved in all the five cases), it said that "the marketing rights for both the Independence Cup and French Open 1997 were given without calling for bids..." Aggarwal's suspicions were raised by the TV Today letter and he was scathing about the manner in which Stracon, with a bid of Rs 39.6 lakh, was handed over the marketing contracts of the French Open even though TV Today put in a bid of Rs 42.75 lakh.

For the Independence Cup, the 1998 CAG report is more direct, providing a pointer to the CBI. On March 14, 1997, DD set about negotiating the deal with WorldTel India, headquartered at Bangalore. But five days later it signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with WorldTel, USA. The result: DD bore the entire income-tax liability of Rs 99.66 lakh on the earnings of the Independence Cup. The then acting chief of DD, K.S. Sarma (whose premises were searched in Delhi), did not think it fit to make a fair estimate of production costs for the Independence Cup. Instead, DD made an arbitrary estimate of Rs 2.5 crore and later forked out about Rs 3.4 crore as production costs for the event.

As for the telecast rights of the 1999 World Cup in England, while the bids closed on May 9, 1997, DD put up a note for purchasing the rights only 65 days after the closing date. The bids were formally signed on December 5, 1998, by which time DD had missed the bus, and had to buy the rights from the ESPN-Star Sports combine which won the rights for $12 million for 42 matches. DD had to pay $6 million to ESPN-Star to telecast eight of India's 11 matches. The idea, it would appear, was to benefit the Stracon-led consortium by changing the revenue sharing formula in favour of the consortium from 70:30 in favour of DD, to 50:50 in favour of the consortium, using the delay as the pretext.

Prasar Bharati CEO Rajeeva Ratna Shah says he is "distressed" at the happenings in DD, but adds: "If cleansing is required, cleansing will take place." Says Stracon's Ray: "I do not feel victimised even though my name features in the firs. The CBI has a job to do, they are doing that. I have no grievances."

For the past 18 months, open bidding has been instituted to avoid accusations of murky dealings. Even so, the CBI must now ensure that there is a "cleansing" or its drive against corruption in cricket will come to a screeching halt.

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» 1971: The Untold Story
» Veerappan Strikes Again
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