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THE
NATION: SCINDIA ESTATE
Madhavrao--The
Big Loser
Angre's
associates argue that the 1999 will is not quite above board. The rajmata
was very ill by then and perhaps not in command of her faculties, "which
is why the so-called will is typed rather than handwritten".
Whichever
will prevails, the big loser seems to be Madhavrao. In neither document,
it seems, does his estranged mother leave anything for him. The Congress
politician is contesting this, having taken control of the palace in Gwalior
and simultaneously moved the courts. Madhavrao's son, Jyotiraditya, has
filed a petition seeking disposal of the property on the principle of
primogeniture, right to inheritance of the first born. Abhishek Singhvi,
Madhavrao's lawyer, insists "no property can be given to anyone else"
as the Supreme Court has granted an injunction till the primogeniture
issue is settled.
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STRING: Angre (left) is the will's biggest beneficiary but his co-executor
Gurumurthy wants no part in a "messy family battle" |
While primogeniture
is not quite the governing principle in Hindu property laws, it is perceived
that Madhavrao's sisters are keen to come to a private settlement, without
suffering the indignity of a voyeuristic media. Family well-wishers, including
at least one Union cabinet minister, have suggested a compromise whereby,
disregarding Vijayaraje's will (or wills), Madhavrao will get a quarter
of the property. The brother, however, appears to want a greater share
while being conscious of the "necessity of appearing fair to his
sisters". For him it may be a matter of honour and political survival,
not merely money.
Madhavrao's
real battle is with Angre, who became his mother's confidant and ideological
mentor soon after her husband Jivajirao Scindia's death in 1953. With
her children still in school, the queen was bereft of sound counsel. Angre-Jivajirao's
first cousin and a descendant of Kanhoji Angre, the 18th century Maratha
admiral-filled the vacuum. Under his influence, Vijayaraje gravitated
towards the Jan Sangh, the predecessor of the BJP.
While Madhavrao
never trusted Angre, he too initially joined the Jan Sangh. The cracks
widened during the Emergency (1975-77), when a Congress regime imprisoned
the rajmata and harassed her daughters. Madhavrao sat out the turmoil,
moving to Britain and Nepal. His mother never forgave him, especially
when he became a member of the despised Congress itself.
Some observers
try and place the 1985 will in the political context of the times. Madhavrao
was riding high. He had thrashed Atal Bihari Vajpayee, his mother's leader,
in the 1984 Lok Sabha election from Gwalior, was a popular railway minister
and had, at one point, asked his security guards to search the queen mother's
"living apartments". The will was an angry response.
In her dying
days, the whispers go, mother and prodigal son reached a truce. The truth
may never be known but a messy triangular battle between Madhavrao, his
sisters and Angre is inevitable. Matters have reached such a point that
S. Gurumurthy, leading light of the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch and, along
with Angre, one of the executors of the 1985 will, has cried off from
his duty. He does not want to be part of "a family squabble"
he says.
Others may
not have such compunctions. The TV empire of media tycoon J.K. Jain is,
for instance, based in the sprawling Scindia estate in south Delhi-assessed
as among "the most valuable urban real estate in India"-and
his occupancy is protected by the 1985 document. This arrangement may
not suit Madhavrao or his sisters.
There are
the romantics who believe the Scindia siblings will come together to fight
the interlopers. Should that happen, blue blood will prove thicker than
water. For the moment though, it's open season on the rajmata's heritage.
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