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BOOKS
Soap Bubbles
There's
Hindu nationalism and there are holy telecasts. But where is the link?
By Bhaskar Ghosh
The title of the
book is misleading; it is really a chronicle of the rise of Hindu nationalist
sentiment and, quite separately, comments on the telecasting of the Ramayan
and Mahabharat on Doordarshan between 1987 and 1989. If one was expecting
an analysis of how the two were interlinked, whether, in fact, the telecasts
triggered off the latent deep devotion in Hindus or gave a focus to something
already in the air, or any other manner in which these two fed on each
other, one will be disappointed.
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| RELIGION AS EXTRAVAGANZA: A scene
from Doordarshan's Mahabharat
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That is the book's chief weakness. It fails to
explore what it sets out to-the links between these two events. Instead,
there is a rambling, discursive account of how Hindu nationalist sentiment
grew in the mid-'80s and thereafter and a quite separate account of the
telecast of the two epics. Worse, in relating these two events, the author
makes some breathtaking generalisations which he does not shore up with
any evidence. Right at the outset Arvind Rajagopal says, "the Ram
Janmabhoomi movement aimed to destroy the Babri mosque in Ayodhya ...
Ram was claimed to be a national symbol and Hindus were declared to be
an oppressed community, a majority denied its rightful status by politicians
pandering to minority votes, chiefly of the Muslims."
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POLITICS AFTER
TELEVISION
By Arvind
Rajagopal
Cambridge
Price:
Rs 495
Pages: 393 |
Now this is a simplification so gross as to be
almost amusing; even its bitterest critics know that the Ram Janmabhoomi
movement was, and is, much more than a movement to destroy a mosque. Later,
Rajagopal does say that the movement was, in fact, a "complex and
many layered series of events". But then he's talking about the events,
about what happened, not of the nature of the movement itself. A little
later he declares that "mythological serials must be seen as a successor
to the pro-development soap opera". Why? No reasons given.
Even if we grant Rajagopal the occasional generalisation,
there is something else which flaws the book very badly: the endless use
of jargon which is very often a cover for lack of anything substantial,
or a mystification of something commonplace or well-known. Consider this:
"Given the historic compromise between emergent bourgeois and residual
yet tenacious and adaptive elites on the one hand, and orthodox opinion
on the other, in countries such as India, capitalist development in its
late forms may seek cultural registers significantly different from earlier
ones. The Ramayan serial's success illustrates this difference, I suggest."
I rest my case.
This is a disappointing book. The subject is
interesting, and a clear, focused analysis would have helped readers understand
the undoubted, close links between the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and the
telecast of the two epics, and draw their own conclusions about the nature
of the medium and, indeed, of the manner in which the politics of the
time developed. Instead, Rajagopal tries to bring everything into his
book, from excerpts of the screenplay of Ramayan to the Hindi-English
debate in the press and an elaborate history of Hindu nationalist politics.
There's just too much of all this, and too little of what the author declared
as his intention.
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