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COVER STORY: BUDGET 2001
It's Politics
Stupid!
By Rohit
Saran with Lakshmi Iyer and Farzand Ahmed
"As we move together
with discipline, the future is ours."
-Yashwant Sinha, June 1,
1998
"These achievements
will transform India into a genuine superpower."
-Yashwant Sinha, Feb 27,
1999
"The world's eyes are upon us, and we will deliver."
-Yashwant Sinha, Feb 29, 2000
One
thought that consistently runs through the last words of Finance Minister
Yashwant Sinha's three budget speeches is hope. Hope that he would be
able to achieve what he proposes in his budgets. Hope that he would have
the freedom to push his tough measures despite populist pressures. Hope
that good economics would eventually become good politics.
The reality, however, seldom
matches his hopes. The perennial failures in privatisation, the swelling
subsidies, the fiascos of government downsizing and the stonewalling of
taxes on agriculture and exports-on every major area of budget making
the gap between hope and reality is large and growing. The gap is, almost
entirely, politics.
| What The Economy
Needs |
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FOR BETTER PUBLIC FINANCES: Expenditure overhaul that involves
subsidy reduction and government downsizing. Disinvestment.
FOR HIGH GROWTH: Curb inflation, cut interest rates. Dereserve
small-scale sector. Invest more in infrastructure.
FOR BETTER TAXATION: No new taxes on existing taxpayers.
Widen tax base, include rural rich and exporters. Hike customs duties
selectively. What Politics Dictates
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For good or for bad, politics has always influenced
budgets in India. But there are reasons why its impact seems more pronounced
today than ever in the past. The virtual convergence of economic ideologies
in the 1990s has left little scope to oppose budget proposals under the
garb of ideology. The opposition, or support, is now almost entirely driven
by mundane political compulsions. The lack of know-how on reforms-an excuse
for the slow speed of reforms in the past-is not valid anymore too. Ten
years of collective wisdom has ensured that no finance minister is lacking
in advice on the what and how of reforms.
In a way, the dominance of the economic agenda
in the 1990s and consequent rise in the finance minister's stature in
the Union Cabinet has imparted more autonomy to budget making than was
possible previously. But the advent of coalition governments at the Centre
has neutralised much of that autonomy. P. Chidambaram, who was the finance
minister of the first truly coalition government at the Centre, admits,
"The autonomy of the finance minister did come under scrutiny in
the coalition era. But there are ways one can defer to some coalition
demands without upsetting the budget."
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What Politics
Dictates |
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POPULISM: Assembly elections rule out price hikes and expenditure
cuts. More schemes that can't deliver. Trade unions block disinvestment.
INEFFICIENCY: Pander to sectional interests. Sops for agricultural
lobby, non-viable SSIs. Let rupee devalue to protect uncompetitive
exports.
DISINCENTIVES: Existing taxpayers to pay more. Services
sector becomes the new milch cow.
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For instance, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi
was insistent that the upcoming Tuticorin port in the state had to find
a mention in the 1997-98 budget speech. What did Chidambaram do? He mentioned
both Tuticorin and Kochi as the two container ports being developed on
the east and west coast of peninsular India. But not all allies may be
as accommodative. Despite a clear indication from Sinha and Prime Minister
Atal Bihari Vajpayee of a hike in passenger fares in this year's railway
budget, Railway Minister and Trinamool Congress President Mamata Banerjee
has ruled out the possibility. At least till the assembly elections in
the five states get over in April. She is not the only one with an eye
on elections. "We expect most harsh decisions to come in the form
of executive orders rather than as budget proposals," says a senior
Telugu Desam Party (TDP) functionary.
The pressure on budgets doesn't come from parties
alone. Individual MPs also block proposals, irrespective of their party
positions. Between 1992 and 1995 custom duties on optical lenses could
not be reduced because an MP from West Bengal wanted protection for a
domestic manufacturer based near Kolkata. It is almost customary for MPs
from the Nilgiri region of Tamil Nadu to protest lowering of duties on
photo films because the public sector Hindustan Photo Films is located
in the region. In fact, on issues like disinvestment, reservation for
small-scale industry (SSI) and tax cuts, constituency considerations of
individual MPs could vary significantly from their party's political stance.
Then there are issues on which the BJP is constrained
by its own fraternity. SSI reservation is one example. A traditional support
base of the BJP and the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, small industries' survival
will be difficult once the licensing of imports ends on April 1 this year,
as is mandated under the WTO. The option is to remove investment ceiling
on SSIs so that they can grow and compete with imports. But exercising
that option isn't politically feasible as yet.
That is where the support of the prime minister
becomes crucial. Especially in a coalition government, it is the prime
minister who filters the competing demands on the budget. That is why
Budget 2001 will be as much a reflection of Sinha's strength in wading
through the economic compulsions of the day as of Vajpayee's acumen in
balancing the political pressures from within and outside his Government.
INDIA TODAY outlines pressure points that underlie this year's budget
and how they may reduce it to an exercise in futility.
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