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March 5, 2001 Issue


India Today, March 5

BUDGET 2001
   

It's About Politics
The limits on Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha's budget this year are political. He has the prescription to put the economy on a high growth track, but hampered by vested interests, vote-bank politics and stubborn opposition parties, he is unlikely to deliver.

The Rot in Farming
Falling prices, stagnating production and diminishing returns are brewing an unparalleled crisis in farmlands across India. Ironically, the alarming situation has arisen despite an unprecedented 12 consecutive normal monsoons.

 

 
STATES
   

Creeping Paralysis
Doubts over Keshubhai Patel's fitness to rule are growing after his government failed to provide basic relief like tents to those affected by the earthquake. Despite having speedily restored electricity and water, which earned praise from some international agencies, criticism over Patel's poor marshalling of resources continues.

 

 

 
THE ARTS
   

Artless Artistry
The festival tried to exhibit the widest selection rather than the best, making it a disappointing show.

 

 
NEIGHBOURS
   

Stillness of Change
The legendary bamboo curtain is lifting to reveal that Myanmar isn't quite the "fascist Disneyland" it is made out to be. The winds of change have brought back English as the medium of instruction and Aung San Suu Kyi is talking to the military. After prolonged isolation, Yangon wants to face the world, but on its own terms.

 

 
SPORTS
 

Making It Happen
John Buchanan gives an exclusive insight into what it takes to coach the world's most successful team. He also enumerates what
he feels will be the Indian strengths that the Aussies
will have to watch out for.

 

 
CARE TODAY
 

Strategic Partners
As emphasis shifts from relief to rehabilitation, Care Today is selecting regions to focus on and NGOs to help it channelise aid. The involvement of victims is integral to the plan so that their dignity remains intact.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
    Fifth Column:
Tavleen Singh
 
    Kautilya:
Jairam Ramesh
 
     
    Politically Correct:
P. Chidambaram
 
    Books  
    Caplooks  
    Voices  
    Tremors  
    Confessional  
    Eyecatchers  
 



 
  Home  
 

VIEWPOINT: FIFTH COLUMN

Hold the Button

It's time to talk to Islamabad. At least on ways to prevent a nuclear war.

The week in which we shot at two Pakistani planes in Chhamb is a good one to discuss what could happen if our perennially hostile relations with that country ever caused another war. We Indians like our nuclear bombs, they make us feel safe, so the possibility of a nuclear war in the subcontinent rarely enters the realm of public debate. When Atal Bihari Vajpayee forced nuclear power status upon us in May 1998 our hearts brimmed over with pride. There were celebrations in the streets and all polls indicated that a majority felt it was necessary for India to produce and deploy nuclear weapons. Across the border Pakistanis reacted with even more fervour-tinged as it was with Islamic zeal-when Nawaz Sharif responded to our tests with his own.

In both countries, opponents of these weapons of mass destruction are derided as peaceniks, even traitors, and about the only thing India and Pakistan have agreed on in the past 50 years is that nuclear bombs are a good thing. In the subcontinent, it is not just defence experts but even ordinary people who believe that nuclear weapons are a deterrent, perhaps the only one, against another Indo-Pakistani war.

Let me say, at this point, that my own views on the issue are ambiguous. Despite a fundamental horror of nuclear weapons, I prefer having Pakistan's bomb out in the open rather than concealed in some general's basement. But, although I can see almost no situation in which an Indian prime minister would use nuclear weapons first, I find it hard to be as sanguine about a bomb (hidden or not) in the hands of Pakistan's ruling establishment comprised as it is of military men and mullahs. I find it even harder to retain sanguinity since a seminar I attended in Davos last month, called ''New Actors on the Nuclear Stage'' which chilled my very soul.

There were three American speakers and a Russian and they all agreed that India and Pakistan were the two countries most likely to start the next nuclear war and that not since the Cuban missile crisis had two countries been as close to one. A professor from Harvard University said war-game studies had been conducted with India and Pakistan as the antagonists and two-thirds of these ended with one or the other using nuclear weapons. The good news is that, unlike what could have happened in a war between the former Soviet Union and the United States, our nuclear war would not destroy the world. The bad news is that it would certainly kill 10 million people and, of course, destroy the subcontinent for a long, long time.

In India, we like to dismiss this kind of analysis of our strategic problems as yet more evidence of the foreign hand trying to stop us moving along the glorious road to military power. I find it hard to dismiss it so easily for the simple reason that we do not even speak the same language as Pakistan any more. There is not a single issue I can think of on which India and Pakistan have been able to agree.

Take last week's incident. Our view is that the planes were definitely flying over our territory but Islamabad's view is that they were ''well within Pakistani territory in Listaharabad area''. Take other recent incidents and you find the same completely opposite positions. When we shot down a Pakistani naval reconnaissance plane in Kutch in 1999, we insisted that it was in our territory but the Pakistanis disputed this and even produced wreckage from their side of the border. We produced evidence that we were fighting Pakistani troops in an ugly proxy war in Kargil. But they continue to insist that our war was with Kashmiri ''freedom fighters''. When the Indian Airlines plane was hijacked from Kathmandu, we detected the Pakistani hand and they charged us with hijacking our own plane. On Kashmir, of course, the differences are so irreconcilable that we do not even see the point of talking to them. We want to talk to them even less because we see General Pervez Musharraf as a pushy, little military man whom we have nothing to say to since he was Pakistan's Kargil hero. He has also been successful in turning Kashmir's struggle for azadi into an Islamic jehad that seems to have a grander design than mere ''liberation'' of Kashmir. What is there to say to a Pakistani ruler such as this?

Perhaps nothing on Kashmir, perhaps even less on cross-border terrorism since our terrorists are his freedom fighters, but surely we should be talking about ways to prevent a nuclear war? There are religious and nationalist zealots on both sides who tend to get in the way of rational discourse-usually because they understand nothing about the issues that so arouse their passions. One way to get them on board would be to make the nuclear debate as public as possible so that ordinary people understand the consequences. In any case, it is time to talk.


 

 
 
 
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In the backdrop of murky allegations about underworld connections, philanthropy by the Bollywood badshahs comes a little more easily.
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The Indian Navy's International Fleet Review was a fine effort at naval diplomacy which the Government would do well to build on, writes INDIA TODAY's Principal Correspondent Sandeep Unnithan
in Despatches.

 

 
 
INTERVIEWS
 

"The only obvious competition is in bhangra," say the Pakistani duo of the music group, Strings, in an exclusive interview with INDIA TODAY's Sonia Faleiro.
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