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COVER STORY: BRAJESH MISHRA
The
Importance of Being Brajesh Mishra
The Sangh, key ministers and NDA allies hold the principal
secretary responsible for the crisis in the Government. Yet, he enjoys
Vajpayee's trust. The inside story.
By Prabhu Chawla
Brajesh mishra loves
press conferences and there was more than a trace of the usual imperiousness
on his face as he strutted into Delhi's Shastri Bhavan last week. The
relevant and irrelevant sections of the Prime Minister's Office (PMO)
in tow, the 72-year-old principal secretary to the prime minister wasn't
in an explaining mood. His bulbous eyes gleaming defiantly, jaw jutting
out and lips curled in a half sneer, Mishra was not just addressing the
press, he was taking them on. Furious at the accusations levelled at him
after the Tehelka.com tapes shook the Government, he wasn't protesting
his innocence, he was asserting it.
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ALTER EGO: Mishra virtually makes up Vajpayee's mind for him on
major issues
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Few politicians would have got away with such
pugnacity. But Mishra did. Not merely because he was sure of his facts
but because he had the full backing of the prime minister. His message
was simple and forthright: I will stay as long as the prime minister tells
me to; I will go if it strengthens his hands. The unstated theme-I remain
indispensable to Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Then, before the stunned hacks
could recover their composure, Mishra walked off, in triumph.
It could well be the bravado of a man effecting
his last stand. But Mishra, frankly, couldn't give a damn. At the best
of times he is cocky and adversity doesn't change him much. If Vajpayee
represents the benign face of the Government, Mishra epitomises its raw
abrasiveness. For a man who has been a diplomat for 34 years, there is
nothing diplomatic about Mishra.
As principal secretary, national security adviser,
the special envoy to France for strategic dialogue and member of countless
committees established by the prime minister, Mishra is arguably one of
three most powerful individuals in the NDA Government. Some would say
the most powerful. No other principal secretary-not even the redoubtable
P.N. Haksar who served Indira Gandhi-has acquired such an awesome profile
or been at the centre of such controversy.
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PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES |
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P.C. ALEXANDER 1981-1985
Served both Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi as principal secretary.
In mid-1985, he was forced to resign after it was discovered that
two members of his personal staff were involved in a spy ring.
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B.G. DESHMUKH 1985-1990
Among the most durable of senior bureaucrats, he served under three
prime ministers - Rajiv, V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar. Resigned
in 1990, a month before he was due to retire.
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A.N. VERMA 1991-1996
Wielded awesome power during P.V. Narasimha Rao's tenure. Vetted
his boss' appointments and was known to keep even ministers waiting
for days for a meeting with Rao. Economic CZAR.
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SATISH CHANDRA
1996-1997
As chief secretary of Karnataka, he had a good rapport with
chief minister H.D. Deve Gowda. Known for his integrity and honesty,
he shifted to South Block when Deve Gowda moved to Delhi.
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N.N. VOHRA 1997-1998
The former home and defence secretary was director of the India International
Centre in Delhi when fellow Saturday Club mate I.K. Gujral beat all
odds to become the prime minister. |
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Last week, Mishra was not only targeted by the
Opposition but also by sections of the Government and the Sangh Parivar.
RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan called for "competent" people to be
appointed to the PMO; two Samata Party MPs tried to link the party's return
to the Government with Mishra's removal; and Shiv Sena mouthpiece Saamna
wanted both Mishra and Officer on Special Duty (OSD) N.K. Singh sacked.
Many cabinet ministers met Vajpayee and, without specifically seeking
Mishra's removal, urged him to take a serious look at his office.
The disorientation in the ranks was understandable.
Since he joined the PMO on March 19, 1998 as Vajpayee's personal nominee,
Mishra has set his own rules: that he won't be yet another faceless bureaucrat.
He is the voice of a prime minister who, despite his legendary communication
skills, has inexplicably lost his voice. Mishra doesn't merely speak for
the PMO, he speaks for the prime minister. Somewhere along the line, Vajpayee
allowed the two to become indistinguishable.
Mishra first made it so on May 11, 1998, by
being the only man in the Government to address the media after the Pokhran
blasts. According to the PMO, he did it on Vajpayee's instructions. It
set the tone of an uninterrupted innings that has divided the Government,
strained Vajpayee's relations with his party and the Sangh Parivar, and
created an image problem for the Government. Powerful Union ministers,
including Home Minister L.K. Advani, Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha,
External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh and NDA convener and former defence
minister George Fernandes have at various times let their displeasure
with Mishra be known to Vajpayee.
It hasn't made an iota of difference. An unmoved
prime minister has let it be known he would rather quit than succumb to
pressures for Mishra's removal. He has harped on his unfettered right
to choose his personal staff, a principle no one can fault. Unwilling
to press home the point, Mishra's detractors have effected a tactical
retreat. But once the din of the Tehelka scandal recedes, the issue is
certain to reappear.
Why does Mishra invite such hostility? The answer
lies in his overweening desire to grab the limelight, so far the prerogative
of elected politicians. Mishra is the only principal secretary who can't
resist media glare. He loves appearing on TV talk shows and holding forth
on subjects ranging from economic reforms to nuclear diplomacy. After
becoming principal secretary, he has addressed three press conferences
and appeared on TV talk shows on more than 150 occasions. During Vajpayee's
foreign tours, it is Mishra who briefs the media, never mind the presence
of even the foreign minister. He exudes the confidence of a man who thinks
he was born to rule.
Political and bureaucratic circles believe that
Mishra has taken full advantage of Vajpayee's introvert and laidback personality
and has gradually usurped his public role. He has become the public face
of the Government. Since Vajpayee rarely speaks his mind in official meetings,
it is Mishra who makes up the prime minister's mind on crucial issues.
Says a senior cabinet minister: "Sometimes we get the impression
it is Brajesh, not the prime minister who has the final say."
That's not an inaccurate assessment. If Vajpayee
doesn't know how to say no, Mishra is incapable of taking no for an answer.
He has definite views that he insists others must endorse. If there is
resistance, he does the next best thing-take charge himself by riding
roughshod over departmental niceties.
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