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April 23, 2001
Issue


India Today, April 16, 2001

 

COVER
   

Say Hello to Another
Scam
The raging corporate war over the introduction of limited mobility telephone services has turned political, with the Prime Minister's Office being charged with subverting the regulatory system and favouring a few business houses. An INDIA TODAY investigation looks at the conflict between the sanctimonious claims and the grim reality.

 

 
STATES
   

Ballot Boxwallahs
The approaching assembly elections have brought to life five states which are set to witness a stiff fight and whose results can have a big impact on all major parties. A profile of the prime contenders who could tilt the balance either way.

 

 
BUSINESS
   

Fall From Grace
Despite a triple-digit growth in net profits of Infosys Technologies and Satyam Computers, the stock prices of the two companies have plunged. Is it the gloomy forecast for software companies that's hammering down the prices?

 

 
ENVIRONMENT
 

Unnatural Alliance
The CNG controversy has taken a new turn, with doubts being raised about the propriety of the Delhi Government's selection of Nugas as the sole supplier of the conversion kit.

 

 
EDUCATION
 

The Doon Boom
The city that houses Doon School is now playing host to a whole array of new education barons--with big money and even bigger ambitions.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
  Home  
 

COVER STORY: GOVERNMENT

The TeleScam

Wonters
Willers
Zig-Zag
The Will
Cell Sins
The Facilitators
Arbitrators
Political Willers
Political Wonts
Guest Column: Justice S. S. Sodhi
Pricing: In The Name Of Poor

For all the praise showered on him for keeping his nerve and persevering with economic reforms, Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha might as well be redesignated the minister for fire-fighting. Even before he finished the daunting tasks of dousing the fears of price rigging on the stock markets and fire walling his Budget 2001 from the political fallout of the Tehelka episode, he has been entrusted with another awesome and unenviable job. The task of extricating the Government from a decision that is legally questionable, politically explosive and economically irrational.

THE CONTROVERSIAL CHANGES WERE INITIATED BY THE PMO

THE REGULATOR WAS TOLD TO REITERATE A PMO DECISION

THE PMO EVEN DISREGARDED VAJPAYEE'S OWN INSTRUCTIONS

 

As head of the 10-member Group on Telecom and it Convergence (got-it)-a body that includes Cabinet colleagues like Pramod Mahajan, Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj, and notables like lawyer Fali S. Nariman and Central Vigilance Commissioner N. Vittal-Sinha has to find an acceptable way of repackaging the Ministry of Telecommunications' decision to modify the 1999 National Telecom Policy (NTP). The change allowed basic telecom operators to start limited-mobility phone services in their area of operation using Wireless in Local Loop (WiLL). In plain words, basic-telecom operators have been given the go-ahead to provide their customers de facto cellular services and, consequently, poach on the turf reserved for cellular operators. "These changes," wrote Tata Industries chief Ratan Tata, with characteristic understatement, to the prime minister last December, "would constitute a significant deviation from the NTP."

 

 

Paswan (left) added his touch to the decisions of Mishra (right) and Singh

 

The Minister

THE CLAIM
"The new WiLL technology will give the poor people
of India access to telephones."
Paswan in a TV interview,
April 13, 2001

THE TRUTH
With an entry cost of Rs 15,000, limited mobility isn't really for the poor.

The PMO Team


THE CLAIM
"The suggestion that the Telecom Policy has been changed at the behest of the PMO is not correct."
Press note issued by PMO, March 19, 2001

THE TRUTH
"... endorsing the consensus on October 11 for encouragement to WiLL, TRAI may be requested to expedite finalisation ..."
Record of meeting in PMO, November 6, 2000

Despite the appointment of got-it-itself an admission that something rotten has taken place-the telecom controversy has already raised the hackles of political parties and legal experts and triggered a no holds barred corporate battle involving the biggest names in Indian industry. At stake is a honey-pot worth between Rs 9,000 crore and Rs 13,000 crore, the estimated value of the spectrum (loosely defined as sound waves) the Government is offering to the fixed-phone companies. Cellular companies, having paid more than Rs 7,000 crore for spectrum and other fees, don't want anybody to walk away with the largesse. It is another matter though that they cut their deal in July 1999 when the Government freed them from the ridiculously high licence fees and moved to revenue sharing. Since then the industry has only grown and so have the stakes. Telecom is now a Rs 13,000-crore business. A series of mergers and buy-outs have left only six private players in the fixed-phone business. The cellular club is much larger, with some players also having fixed-phone licences.

In indirect terms, the policy change is also expected to reduce the net worth of public-sector telecom companies Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL) and Videsh Sanchar Nigam Limited (VSNL), both of which are candidates for privatisation. No wonder some opposition leaders have been quick to allege a scandal of monumental proportions. Congress MP Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi even quantified it as a Rs 13,000-crore scam. "Limited mobility is being allowed for mobilisation of unlimited resources for a party formed in a limited period," he says, in a thinly veiled attack on Telecommunications Minister Ram Vilas Paswan.

The indignant opposition members have been joined by NDA constituents like the Shiv Sena who have pointed an accusing finger at the Prime Minister's Office (PMO). In a letter to Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee earlier this month, Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray argued that "the credibility of the NDA and its Government will be seriously impacted by this hasty and non-transparent decision by the Department of Telecommunication (DoT). Our Government is already under attack for various questionable decisions taken by the PMO troika".

The WiLL controversy is fierce and, depending on positions taken, Sinha's task is both challenging and easy. Easy because got-it is only supposed to provide a fig-leaf of respectability to a predetermined Government decision which isn't in conformity with the NTP and defies the licensing agreement signed with the fixed-phone services providers in 1995. The absurdity of involving got-it is evident from the fine print of its terms of reference issued on April 7, 2001. The group's brief is to find if the NTP permits "limited mobility" by fixed-phone companies. If it does, then how best should the service be introduced; and if it does not, then how can the policy be modified to introduce limited mobility.

The terms are outright scandalous. If the Government is not yet sure whether limited mobility conforms to its own telecom policy, how has the Telecommunications Ministry allowed such services to be operational? Why has Paswan been brazen enough to suggest that the new policy will stay, come what may? Should a decision follow policies or policies be tailored to suit a decision?

The public-sector BSNL and Tata Teleservices are already offering limited-mobility services in Gurgaon and Hyderabad. DoT has also issued letters of intent (LOIS) for limited mobility to Reliance Telecom in 18 states, Tata Teleservices in 15 states and Himachal Futuristic Communications Ltd (HFCL) in seven states. Says Justice S.S. Sodhi, former chairman of the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI): "The Government knowingly took a decision contrary to its own policy. When confronted with it, the Government is now seeking ways to amend its policy to make it conform to the decision taken." (see column). Adds CPI(M) leader Somnath Chatterjee, who is the chairman of the parliamentary Standing Committee on Communications: "The limited mobility may be good, but the way the Government has introduced it is not."

That's putting it mildly. An examination of the decision-making process that led to the WiLL furore suggests that the Government's own policy was willfully subverted in a planned manner. The subversion was conceived and initiated in the PMO and was then taken up and executed in the Telecom Ministry with the regulatory body TRAI assisting the process.

In June 1999, TRAI, then headed by Sodhi, had expressed its reservations on permitting limited mobility. In a letter to DoT on June 9, 1999, the then TRAI secretary Narendra Sharma (now MTNL chairman) had said: "There is no mention whatsoever of permission to provide limited mobility in the NTP 1999... Pending the examination of all the relevant issues in this regard, the commercial introduction of the proposed service by the MTNL/DoT may be held in abeyance." After months of wrangling with the Government on this and other issues, TRAI was disbanded on January 19 last year and a new, weaker TRAI was appointed on January 28. Stripped of its judicial powers, which were vested in a new Telecom Dispute Settlement and Appellate Tribunal (TDSAT), the new and more pliable TRAI was constituted with former State Bank of India chairman M.S. Verma as its head. Verma was allowed to stay on as chairman of IDBI Bank. In retrospect, the reconstitution of the regulatory body was central to a much larger plan involving the redefinition of basic-telecom services.


 
 
 
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