India Today Group Online
 


June 04, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

What Can They Talk With the Kashmir cease-fire floundering amid repeated cross-border firing, the Centre takes a major initiative to resume a dialogue with Pakistan. However, the ghosts of Lahore loom over the horizon, raising doubts about any positive outcome in the new attempt at peace-making.

 

 
THE NATION
   

State Of Mistrust
With the fall of the Koijam government, a Samata-BJP battle has erupted in Manipur. But the stakes seem to be at the Centre.

 

 
STATES
 

Going By The Laws
Om Prakash Chautala has launched a flurry of criminal cases against his opponents in what is being seen as political vendetta.

Heady Start
The SP steals a march over a dithering BJP in the race to win the next Assembly polls.

Badland Badshah
As India's most wanted politician Mohammed Shahabuddin evades arrest, more details come out on his alleged links with Kashmiri militants and Pakistani agents.

 

 
BUSINESS
 

Crash Landing
The MD's suspension has highlighted the rot in India's flag carrier.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
  Home  
 

VIEWPOINT: KAUTILYA

A Common Heritage

The idea of a US-India free trade agreement gets new and influential support a common heritage?

The Heritage Foundation in Washington is one of the pre-eminent think tanks of the American conservative establishment and has close links with the Bush regime. Very recently, after a visit to India, Dana Dillon, a policy analyst at the foundation, has produced a report, "Time for Expanded Trade Relations with India", in which he advocates a free trade agreement (FTA) between the US and India.

The idea is not new. Last year, just before Bill Clinton's yatra to this country, two Washington-based Indian economists, Aaditya Mattoo and Arvind Subramanian, had put forward the idea of USINTA, a US-India Free Trade Area. Writing in the January-February 2000 issue of Foreign Affairs, Robert Zoellick, now Bush's top trade negotiator, had said the US should propose trade and investment liberalisation to India.

In a free-trade area, countries maintain their own import duties against outsiders while scrapping duties among themselves. This is different from a customs union where countries have common tariff nomenclatures and identical tariff rates. In a common market all restrictions on the movement of labour and capital are removed while in an economic union national economic policies are harmonised. Worldwide, there are 130 FTAs in force and India itself is committed to a South Asian FTA (SAFTA) by 2003.

The US has had an FTA with Israel for some time. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) involving the US, Canada and Mexico came into force seven years ago. Currently, the US is negotiating FTAs with Chile, Singapore and Jordan and an FTAA-the Free Trade Agreement for the Americas-involving 34 countries of South, Central and North Americas. The three bilateral FTAs could be concluded in the next few months while the FTAA is slated to come into force by January 2005.

How will India gain from an FTA with the US? As Mattoo and Subramanian and Dillon explain:

  • textiles and clothing exports will face lower import duties, as indeed will our exports of labour-intensive manufactured goods;
  • highly skilled Indian technical personnel will have greater employment opportunities in the US;
  • inflows of US investment in key sectors like telecommunications, it, financial services and infrastructure will get a boost;
  • broader strategic engagement between the world's largest and richest democracies will be strengthened;
  • the European Union will be encouraged to seek a similar agreement with India.
  • Of course, an FTA does not automatically guarantee market share. That would depend on how competitive our exports are and this, in turn, will be influenced largely by domestic economic policies.

Are there any costs to an FTA? Decidedly so, on at least two counts.

First, the US could insist on including non-trade issues like labour and environment in the FTA. The US-Jordan FTA follows this approach. But on the other hand, labour and environment do not form part of the main NAFTA but are the subjects of two side agreements which commit members to enforce their own standards and to only engage in consultations. The Jordan template is bad but we could live with NAFTA.

Second, there is a real danger that bilateralism will undermine the multilateral process and the WTO. The guru of trade economics, Jagdish Bhagwati, has called FTAs not "building blocks" of free trade but actually "stumbling blocks" to the goal of free and fair trade since they constitute preferential, discriminatory trade liberalisation. His fear that the world's trading system could be damaged in the name of free trade rather than in the name of protection is genuine. But with multilateral negotiations, to use Dillon's term, "ensnared" by a whole host of issues and with the US committed to a three-pronged global, regional and bilateral strategy for trade negotiations on the grounds that by moving on multiple points, competition in liberalisation is created, India cannot afford to reject the FTA route. However, we cannot wish away Bhagwati.

India should proactively engage the US in talks about a bilateral FTA even as it works with the US and others to launch a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in Qatar in November 2001. Great progress between the two countries in the field of security has been made by the so-called Track-II diplomacy where non-officials from both sides exchange views to facilitate convergence of official positions and a consensus. Non-officials are not hamstrung in discussions as officials are. A similar Track-II effort is now needed in the trade area as well. Running with the multilateral hare while hunting with the bilateral hound will do India no harm, keeping in view global realities.

(The author is with the Congress party. These are his personal views.)


 
 
 



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