June 04, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

What Can They Talk With the Kashmir cease-fire floundering amid repeated cross-border firing, the Centre takes a major initiative to resume a dialogue with Pakistan. However, the ghosts of Lahore loom over the horizon, raising doubts about any positive outcome in the new attempt at peace-making.

 

 
THE NATION
   

State Of Mistrust
With the fall of the Koijam government, a Samata-BJP battle has erupted in Manipur. But the stakes seem to be at the Centre.

 

 
STATES
 

Going By The Laws
Om Prakash Chautala has launched a flurry of criminal cases against his opponents in what is being seen as political vendetta.

Heady Start
The SP steals a march over a dithering BJP in the race to win the next Assembly polls.

Badland Badshah
As India's most wanted politician Mohammed Shahabuddin evades arrest, more details come out on his alleged links with Kashmiri militants and Pakistani agents.

 

 
BUSINESS
 

Crash Landing
The MD's suspension has highlighted the rot in India's flag carrier.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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THE NATION: NDA

Uncertain BJP Fails To Issue Whip

On May 6, 18 MLAs of the MSCP (Nipamacha faction) broke away to form the Progressive MSCP. A week later, they merged with the BJP. With two Federal Party members also joining in the fun, the BJP suddenly reached 26-MLA status. Its legislative leader R.K. Dorendra Singh-himself a former Congress chief minister-now wanted to become chief minister. Koijam soon faced a confidence test and was predictably voted out. BJP leaders in Delhi made a perfunctory gesture of issuing a whip, asking party MLAs to save the government, but didn't try too hard "because we weren't sure we could implement the whip".

In a fit of post facto morality, a BJP office-bearer now says, "When the Samata overthrew Nipamacha, they too destabilised an NDA friend. So how can they blame us?" On its part, the Samata says, "It is one thing to split the Congress as we did, another to break an ally." The proxy war between what one Union minister calls "a bogus Samata and a bogus BJP" is reaching ludicrous proportions. It can end in another grotesque coalition; it should end in President's rule.

In a city of conspiracies, nobody takes anything at face value. Political circles in Delhi are quick to attribute motives to the Samata's indignation. First, there is a cabinet reshuffle in the offing (see box) and the Samata wouldn't mind adding to its tally of three ministers. Raghunath Jha and Jai Narain Nishad are hoping to get the prime minister's call and there's no harm playing hardball.

IN THROUGH THE
OUT DOOR

 

 

A "hesitant" BJP had agreed to support Koijam (right) in replacing Nipamacha after "insistence" by the top Samata leadership.

 

The Samata, sources say, is also short of money for day-to-day expenses and the Manipur unit was resourceful in these matters. A Bihar MP jokes about the merits of "Manipur's franchise system of politics" and the synergy between politicians, extremist groups and drug syndicates. All this has Jaitly livid, "Our chief minister is unfairly accused of underworld links. He was promised Rs 200 crore as a grant but eventually sanctioned Rs 100 crore as loan. Even this was obstructed."

The upshot, the Samata leader says, was that "salaries were delayed and the police went on strike". A "law and order problem occurred for which the BJP blamed Koijam". Home Ministry sources say the money was contingent upon Koijam whittling down the administration and carrying out certain reforms, "which he did not do". Also embarrassing for Koijam is the fact that the daughter of the man who was his original intermediary with the Samata was arrested at Delhi's Indira Gandhi International Airport a few weeks ago on charges of drug-running. She is now in Tihar Jail.

The final reason for the Samata's disgruntlement is perceived neglect of its best-known leader. The buzz in the party office in the recent days has been, "George saab ki bezati ho rahi hai (George saab has been insulted)." A Samata minister argues, "If he had still been in the Government, this (the Manipur 'betrayal') would not have happened."

Fernandes stands by his commitment that he won't come back to the Government unless cleared by the Venkataswami Commission that is investigating the Tehelka.com scandal. There is a feeling in some sections that the Jayalalitha example has changed everything: "If a convicted person can become chief minister, why should we be on the defensive about a person who has not even been chargesheeted?"

On Monday, May 21, Fernandes missed a meeting of the NDA, of which he is the convener, for an emergency Samata session on Manipur. Jaitly, his confidante, brushes this aside saying the "convener's role is only clerical, limited to sending out letters". A BJP leader sees matters a little differently, "It is a hint that the NDA convener should be involved in policy-making. In the days of the United Front, the steering committee was more important than the Cabinet." After resigning, Fernandes has addressed a dozen NDA rallies but is now "out of the loop of the Government".

Where do these subterranean games leave humble Mr Koijam? Manipur will know his future by the end of May. Before that-afterwards too-the Samata and BJP, allies since 1995, have a few knots to straighten out.


 
 
 



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