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DIPLOMACY: INDO-IRANIAN GAS PROJECT
Cllimbdown From The Lofty Position
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FUELLING
TIES: Jaswant Singh and Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi in
Teheranlugging the loopholes |
For India, the decision
to explore the onshore option represents a climbdown from the lofty position
that it took after the Kargil conflict. While Iran has always been dismissive
of the deep-sea option, India was keen that the pipeline be laid not only
outside the exclusive economic zone but also even beyond the continental
shelf of Pakistan for security reasons. In fact, in the first joint committee
meeting held in August last year, Delhi had even organised a presentation
by the Naval Hydrographic Survey for the Iranian delegation, giving broad
details of underwater bathymetry and physical features of the sea bed.
An Italian company Saipem in its presentation
to the Indo-Iran Joint Committee in November 2000 maintained that it was
technologically feasible to lay the pipeline at the required ocean depth
of 3,500 m. The company representatives informed the committee that they
were already involved in the "Bluestream Project" that envisaged
laying a pipeline from Russia to Turkey across the Black Sea at a depth
of 2,150 m.
During the joint committee meeting Delhi told
Teheran it would be interested in the land option only if Iran stood guarantee
for the delivery of gas to the Indian border. Keeping the Indian sensitivities
on the onshore option in mind, Teheran has decided that the core contract
would be between India and Iran for supply of gas. Iran would then have
a separate arrangement with Pakistan on the security and transit aspects.
The overland pipeline may also include a provision for Pakistan to tap
the pipeline at Multan for its own need.
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PLUGGING THE LOOPHOLES
Crucial conditions that India
wants incorporated in the agreement for an onshore pipeline through
Pakistan
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# Iran would be responsible for delivering
gas at the Indian border. India will not be concerned with events
that could disrupt gas supply, including sabotage of the pipeline
or Pakistan's refusal to allow transit of gas.
# If Iran is unable to deliver the specified
quantity of gas on any day, it will pay 25 per cent of the value
of gas not supplied plus compensation to cover cost of alternative
fuel used.
# Pakistan will be responsible for any
subversive activity that affects gas supply. Pakistan will honour
GATT agreement and WTO on transit of gas.
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If economic feasibility of the pipeline was the
only criterion, then the onshore option is only a third of the cost of
the offshore option. Fully aware that the offshore pipeline route will
be more expensive than the land option, Delhi wants the Snamprogetti study
to also confirm whether the deep-sea corridor is cheaper than importing
liquefied natural gas (LNG) through sea-tankers. Anyhow, the final destination
of the gas will be the fertiliser and power units in energy deficient
northern India.
In fact, it is the growing energy demand in
the north that has prompted India to scour the gas energy reserves in
its neighbourhood rather than remain dependent on crude oil supplies from
West Asia. India's natural gas consumption has risen from 0.5 trillion
cubic feet (TCF) in 1995 to 1.3 TCF this year. Estimates are that it will
touch 1.9 TCF by 2005. With Myanmar's proven gas reserves committed to
Thailand and Bangladesh still to settle the internal debate on the supply
of gas to India, Delhi has little option but to look to Teheran. Iran
has the second-largest reserves of natural gas in the world. Its total
reserves are estimated at 812 TCF and should last at least 500 years.
While Iran wants to sell gas to catch the "growth
momentum", India is looking forward to a dedicated gas pipeline in
addition to the cost-effectiveness of the different modes of transfer.
At present, India's plans centre mainly on importing LNG through sea tankers.
Although it is still unclear how the pipeline
politics will play out, by retaining the offshore option, India has indicated
that it wants to drive a hard bargain and not hand the "peace pipeline"
to Pakistan on a platter.
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