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July 16, 2001
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COVER
   

Mission Kashmir Having consolidated his position at home, the President of Pakistan is clear that any diplomatic advance in Agra will be measured against India's willingness to review its position on Kashmir. Can Prime Minister Vajpayee oblige his guest?

 

 
STATES
   

Mother Fury
M. Karunanidhi and other leaders of the DMK may be out of jail, but retribution and rehabilitation will continue to define the
Jayalalitha Raj.

 

 
BUSINESS
 

Trust Betrayed
India's largest mutual fund scheme, US-64, takes a tumble for the second time in three years. As pressure mounts to stem the rot and chairman Subramanyam goes, the small investor is left in the lurch.

 

 
INVESTIGATION
 

The Gender Gestapo
A controversial sex-selection procedure widely available in India skirts the law and prevents the very conception of female babies.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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COVER STORY: INDO-PAK SPECIAL

Winds Of Change

Kashmir is no longer an emotional issue and the people of Pakistan will welcome a solution to a historical problem

No Pakistani military ruler could have anticipated meaningful talks with the Indian prime minister in a congenial environment. The invitation by Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee to President Pervez Musharraf was, therefore, a bolt from the blue. It has now become Musharraf's "legitimacy card", one which he hopes to cash in on in discussing the issue of Kashmir that has always been a bone of contention between the two neighbours.

Of course, expectations are not too high but the stakes are, as always. Islamabad's Foreign Office says that the agenda for talks is "just" Kashmir, but it is common knowledge in the corridors of power it is a mixed bag of subjects that the general is expected to take to the negotiations.

 

PEACE BANDWAGON: Musharraf meeting POK leaders to elicit their views on the summit

 

The expectations on both sides are not very high, but the stakes certainly are.

 

There are two salient points to consider before the summit. First, what the Kashmiris expect. Secondly what the Pakistani establishment is up to. From the Kashmiris' point of view a lot has changed in the past couple of months. The people of the state want peace but are, of course, looking for a face-saving formula, having fought for self-determination all these years. With the international community giving their cause little support, many feel their fate could get only worse. They could therefore be asked to accept a formula that will give them dignity and honour with civil and constitutional rights.

But there is a flip side. The jehadis are refusing to budge until they "bleed" the Indians and "free" Kashmir from their yoke. It is these forces that the General needs to check before flying down for any meaningful talks. Many in Islamabad, however, feel the current silence of the jehadis is a victory for General Musharraf. He has already convinced them that with dignity assured for them, whatever else he agrees to will be in the best national interest of Pakistan. And since this is something no civilian government has been able to do, the military regime can legitimately feel it has reason to be proud.

Islamabad has also swiftly moved away from the repeated chorus of tripartite talks and opted for a more "rational" bilateral approach. The indications are clear: even the All-Party Hurriyat Conference has been cut to size and its requests to meet the Pakistan President in Delhi have not been acceded to. The Hurriyat has only been extended a courtesy invitation by the Pakistan High Commission in Delhi. There can be no clearer indication of a change in thinking than this.

Not a single voice of dissent has marred Musharraf's decision to cross the border. The vocal Jamaat-e-Islami, often the dissenter, has backed any venture for peace so long as it safeguards the Kashmiri interests. The fact that the two major political parties-the Pakistan People's Party and the Pakistan Muslim League-in the garb of Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) missed the bus is not much of an issue. With the army in the driving seat, there is not much they can do anyway.

Musharraf is going to India from a position of strength. He has successfully carried along the politicians, religious scholars and opinion makers, not a mean task for an unelected ruler. He has shed his image of an intruder in Pakistan's political horizon following the October 12, 1999 coup. In presenting the nation with solutions that would guarantee them peace, stability and self-respect on the foreign policy front, he seems to have done his homework well. An important aspect of the summit is that Kashmir is no longer an emotional issue. Now the popular mood is for a solution to a problem that history had burdened them with. It appears the people will welcome any solution that will cut down the cost of sustaining a war.

Foreign Office officials in Islamabad hint at a scaled-down approach by the President. They say if India withdraws its forces from the "Held" Valley, allows maximum autonomy, ensures free movement of people across the Kashmir border, accepts Azad Kashmir as a part of Pakistan and strikes a balance on the Siachen issue, then it would be a good beginning. In return, Pakistan would not insist on including Jammu and Ladakh in a final solution. It would also make its oft-repeated rhetoric on a UN resolution on Kashmir less shrill.

The President is carrying with him a bag brimming with concessions: easing of travel restrictions, opening of an Indian consulate in Karachi, granting of most favoured nation status to India on trade and agreeing to the multi-billion dollar Indo-Iran gas pipeline that will fetch Pakistan at least $400 million annually. This is a significant movement forward, but then it is also the first time that people feel there is an element of willingness on both side of the borders to better relations.

But the driving force behind the summit is international pressure. Officials in Islamabad say the Americans have told Pakistan rather bluntly to "do all it can to clear the mess regarding Kashmir". The US has also openly asked Pakistan to pull in the various terrorist groups conducting the jehad in the Valley and Islamabad, according to sources, has no choice but to oblige. Then there is the China factor. With around $1.6 billion of Chinese money pouring into Pakistan's economy to build the Gawadar Port as well as a soft $1 billion loan, Islamabad is now ready to believe it cannot live with the illusions that it has sovereignty over Kashmir.

In contrast to recent discussions between the two nations, there is today an army general striking a deal. Such is the strength of an authoritarian regime that no one can or will suspect Musharraf's wisdom in what he decides to agree to in Agra. If India reciprocates, history can be made.

Full text of all stories at www.thenewspapertoday.com
Also: 'Talks by the Taj': Follow exclusive, interactive news and views of the Vajpayee-Musharraf summit at www.thenewspapertoday.com


 
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