July 23, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

The Lost Nation
General Musharraf is on the offensive, wielding unlimited powers and taking on the establishment in a bid to whip a battered nation back into shape. But will he succeed? Plus an exclusive interview with the Pakistan President.

Travels In
Veiled Reality
From an optimistic country to one draped in despondency, it's a journey through a nation transformed.

Candle In Wagah Wind Track II diplomacy, the citizen-led campaign for Indo-Pak peace, has bloated into a virtual industry.

 

 
BUSINESS
   

Comeback Drive
After two years in reverse gear and scarred by a dented marketshare, India's largest car maker shifts into top gear. With bold new launches and fresh strategies, it strides back into reckoning to regain part of the lost market.

 

 
SPORTS
 

Steering Under Test Even as Indian rally drivers rev up for overseas competition, motorsport within the country takes a beating. A sport that holds enormous revenue potential for the country is stalled by petty politicking as two rival organisations fight for the right to be called the official governing body.

 

 
HEALTH
 

Spray Of Misery
Crippled bodies and minds is a way of life for many in the villages of north Kerala.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
  Home  
 

BUSINESS: UTI

Inquiry Needed To Establish Truth

However, only a full-fledged inquiry can establish the proddings, if any, on UTI to invest in some of the dud stocks, or if there were any considerations for such investment decisions. The purchases that should attract closer scrutiny are:

 

FACE OFF

 

# Powerless MoF has no nominee on UTI board since 1997, nor does it get to know of its investments.

# No reply MoF repeatedly asked UTI about US-64's health in 2001 but got no reply.

# Weekend trick On June 30, a Saturday, UTI told MoF about its plan to freeze US-64.

# Non-cooperation Even now UTI is economical about US-64 details with the MoF.

 
 
DISTRUST: Finance Minister Sinha

DSQ SOFTWARE: The company's share price was Rs 995 on June 30 last year. It is going for Rs 64 now. UTI not only had DSQ shares of Rs 49 crore on its books (barring US-64) in June 2000 but was buying more of it as late as February this year, when the drop in its price caused a payment crisis in the Calcutta Stock Exchange. Its likely beneficiary: bull player Ketan Parekh who'd taken long positions on DSQ.

HFCL: Yet another Parekh favourite, UTI under Subramanyam dumped part of its holding of 98 lakh shares at the peak price of Rs 2,553, only to buy them again. Given its current holding of one crore HFCL shares, which are trading at a meagre Rs 74, UTI's loss from the peak value is Rs 2,330 crore.

CYBERSPACE: In August 2000, much after software stocks had tumbled, UTI bought its stocks worth Rs 34 crore through private placement at Rs 930 a share-against the opinions of researchers and a lead manager. The company soon went bust and its promoters, who were absconding, have just been nabbed. The securities are not even worth the price of the paper they are printed on now.

SILENT GUARDIANS

The UTI board of trustees comprised big names of the financial and corporate world

1 S.K. CHAKRABARTI
CMD (Acting), IDBI

2 N.S. SEKHSARIA
MD, Gujarat Ambuja Cement

3 R.P. CHITALE
Chartered Accountant

4 V.V. DESAI
Consultant

5 K.L. KHETARPAUL
Executive Director, RBI

6 G.N. BAJPAI
CMD, Life Insurance Corporation

7 D.T. PAI
CMD, Syndicate Bank

8 JANKI BALLAV
CMD, State Bank of India

The trustees were inert in their roles and are guilty of omission, as much as Subramanyam is guilty of commission.

 

SRIVEN MULTITECH: In May 2000, its Hyderabad-based promoter sold 10 per cent stake in the company to Parekh at par value. The bull ramped up its price to Rs 450 in three months, following which UTI bought it at market price. Today the company's shares are quoting at Rs 8.

These are like decisions taken in smoke-filled rooms and, arguably, deals were cut. Some crumbs from the table were thrown at unlisted, but politically well-connected media companies, like Pritish Nandy Communications (Rs 1.53 crore), Jain Studios (Rs 5.07 crore in cumulative preference shares, February 2001), or Sanjay Khan's Numero Uno International (Rs 7.49 crore in February 2001). Only the Jain Studios scrip is listed, though it is now trading at one-eighth of the acquisition price. The others are not listed, so the trust has no exit route. Similarly it is stuck with huge debt papers which are junk, like Rs 188 crore invested in non-convertible debentures with a non-performer called Malavika Spinning. When equity investment would have looked embarrassingly fishy, US-64 chose to patronise its favourite companies with somewhat less controversial, but
equally risky, debt investments. The trust lent Rs 50 crore to HFCL in non-convertible debentures at a time when the company's share price had started dropping.

 


DEVIL AS DOCTOR:
Small investors have to pay for UTI's sins

 

Silverline
Cost in 2000: Rs 6.1 Crore
Value Now: Rs 84 Lakh

Aftek infosys
Cost in 2000: Rs 20.7 Crore
Value Now: Rs 1.7 CRORE

Pentamedia Graphics
Cost in 2000: Rs 183 Crore
Value Now: Rs 20 crore

Input
20 million ordinary savers help maintain the corpus

Output
Corporate investors redeem units worth Rs 4,000 cr in March and April this year.

SSI
Cost in 2000: Rs 551 CRORE
Value Now: Rs 54 crore

   
 
The skulduggery in UTI led to the surrender of its autonomy.

Subramanyam's daring misadventures are more than a mere
bad patch in the fund's history. It could cost UTI its autonomy. Those holding the Government responsible for US-64's failure are actually demanding restoration of government control over the institution, particularly when the state avowedly intends to get out of financial businesses. The lesson: just like half-baked reforms bring disrepute to the process of economic liberalisation, unfitting appointments in key positions could deny an institution its well-deserved autonomy. If the Government increases its hold over the fund, it will end up in a vicious circle of politician-businessman nexus.

UTI began its march in 1964 with the lofty ideal of helping the small investor with an assured return, mostly in debentures that regularly paid interests. It changed its course in 1994, buying heavily into Reliance Industries in an off-market deal and at a price that collapsed soon after the purchase; the amount has not even doubled in seven years. But the policy shift opened the floodgates for all sorts of companies-well-managed as well as not-so-well-managed-to clamour for more and more capital. And to pull political strings if the demands are not met. Until the fund was bled white, its collapse imparting a prophetic ring to Masani's apprehensions.


 
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