July 23, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

The Lost Nation
General Musharraf is on the offensive, wielding unlimited powers and taking on the establishment in a bid to whip a battered nation back into shape. But will he succeed? Plus an exclusive interview with the Pakistan President.

Travels In
Veiled Reality
From an optimistic country to one draped in despondency, it's a journey through a nation transformed.

Candle In Wagah Wind Track II diplomacy, the citizen-led campaign for Indo-Pak peace, has bloated into a virtual industry.

 

 
BUSINESS
   

Comeback Drive
After two years in reverse gear and scarred by a dented marketshare, India's largest car maker shifts into top gear. With bold new launches and fresh strategies, it strides back into reckoning to regain part of the lost market.

 

 
SPORTS
 

Steering Under Test Even as Indian rally drivers rev up for overseas competition, motorsport within the country takes a beating. A sport that holds enormous revenue potential for the country is stalled by petty politicking as two rival organisations fight for the right to be called the official governing body.

 

 
HEALTH
 

Spray Of Misery
Crippled bodies and minds is a way of life for many in the villages of north Kerala.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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COVER STORY: PAKISTAN

Misconceptions About India

 

VOICE OVER: Activists of religious groups seek Musharraf's help in promotion of Islamic laws, including a ban on obscenity in the country, during a demonstration in Islamabad recently

When I mention to my friends that I detect more Islamic fundamentalism around than ever before they tell me that I am probably encountering it more than they do because I am Indian. There is indeed a kind of defensiveness about Pakistan that comes out as aggression. I notice it on my first morning in Lahore in my dealings with a man who is supposed to have arranged a local TV crew for me. It should have been with me the evening before but was not and then I was told through the morning "they have left the office and will be with you in 10 minutes". Two hours later when I was still being told they would be with me in 10 minutes I spoke to the boss, Sattar Habib, and was slightly curt when he said languidly, "Hello ji, how are you?" Not good at all, I said, since there was no sign of his crew. Instead of apologising or coming up with at least one plausible explanation he took offence: "You are a guest in my country and I was just trying to be nice to you and this is how you respond. Well, I will not work with you." It seemed to me that I should have been the one losing my temper but the lack of professionalism is another thing Pakistanis are defensive about. It also seems to hurt that India has in the past 10 years got ahead economically and that the decline in Pakistan is visible. And I met people who said, "We want peace with India and a solution to the Kashmir problem so that we can also become rich like India."

There is a kind of defensiveness about Pakistan that comes out as aggression.

Rich like India! I wanted to tell them that India was a desperately poor country with terrible economic problems but there seemed no point because it makes no sense at all to say it in a Pakistani context. I will say, though, that Karachi Airport is the most modern airport in south Asia. It is as good as the best in Thailand or Malaysia and makes Indian airports look antiquated and inadequate. But, a kind of mayoosi hangs over the city of Karachi so its fine roads and modern airport have an incongruity about them. My Bihari taxi driver tells me that unemployment is a serious problem in the city. "And, ever since this military government came to power it has increased because they have taken this loan from the International Monetary Fund and to meet the conditions are kicking people out of public-sector jobs. I used to work for a government company. Now I have no choice but to drive a taxi. It makes me barely enough to feed my family." I asked if there were no unions to contend with and he said, "Which unions can do anything in a military government?"

Misconceptions about India abound and seem to have grown. Bal Thackeray is talked about as if he represented all Hindus. I try explaining that his influence does not exist beyond the city limits of Mumbai but nobody believes me. Not even Imran Khan, who knows India well and should know better. Not even the Jamaat-e-Islami would dare talk about Hindus in the way Thackeray does about Muslims, he tells me. He does not matter, I say, does not really matter at all but he remains unconvinced. What about the BJP, he asks, they are worse than the Jamaat because they tore down a mosque, did they not? The BJP is a political party, I point out, whereas the Jamaat is an Islamic fundamentalist outfit but again he is unconvinced. He is also concerned, he tells me, about the evil influences of MTV and Zee TV on Pakistani culture. Look at the skimpy clothes your models and VJs wear on television? Is that not going to have a bad effect on our youth? On our culture? Has it not had a bad effect on your own culture? Sushma Swaraj would be a huge hit in Pakistan.

Nowhere are the misconceptions about India more serious than on the issue of Kashmir. Among ordinary people these misconceptions acquire dangerous overtones. Kashmir, they tell you over and over, was a part of Pakistan. If you try pointing out that this is not true, they look at you with disbelief. In the same breath they talk of the plebiscite that never happened, and if you try pointing out that it may have happened if Pakistani troops had withdrawn from the territory they occupied they tell you they know nothing of this. It is generally young men who are the most aggressive about Kashmir and the most ignorant. In Lahore one morning, I found myself surrounded by angry, young men who spewed venom against India. It was not just Kashmir they were angry about but Hindus in general as I discovered when I asked what they thought of India. "It's all right," they said, "but the majority community, the Hindus, they are not good people." Once more Bal Thackeray and the Babri Masjid were thrown at me and then one young man, who said he was a journalist, produced a newspaper called Din which had on its front page a story that said the Indian Government was recruiting children as young as 11-years-old to fight in Kashmir. There was a photograph with the story and I pointed out that the uniforms the so-called policemen were wearing were not the uniforms of Indian policemen. "You are lying," the young man yelled, "I know you are lying because I've heard it on BBC." It was a disturbing exchange, which left me feeling that peace did not stand a chance if ordinary people could be so hostile and so misinformed. In civilised circles in Lahore and Karachi,however, you do get quite a different view. The people, they say, want peace, it is the governments that do not. Young girls in these circles wear western clothes and those who have come to India speak of how much they liked it as a country. I ask if the restrictions that Islamisation has brought to their country affect their lives in any way and they say they do not except, of course, that social mingling among the sexes is something that can only happen in homes.

There is no nightlife to speak of in Lahore and although Karachi has one nightclub it does not have a permit to serve liquor. Nobody does. At the Sheraton Hotel in Karachi, I dine one night at La Mamma, their Italian restaurant. There is pasta of all kinds and pizza and a delicious selection of Italian food but no wine. I am offered non-alcoholic beer and non-alcoholic wine to choose from and when I ask why foreigners should not be allowed to drink the manager tells me that they can but only in their rooms. The choice is between Pakistani whisky and Murree beer and it surprises me that liquor should be made in a country that forbids it from being sold or drunk.


 
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