July 30, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Hit And Run
After two days of intense discussions and frenetic speculation, the Agra summit failed to reconcile the differences between the two countries. The inside story of what really happened. Were the two sides ever close to a settlement? What will be the consequences of a failed summit?


Gotcha!
That was the attitude of Pakistan's media managers who won the misinformation war against India.

Ominous Aftermath
The failure of the summit heralds more bloodshed in Kashmir. The average Kashmiri has much to fear.

 

 
BUSINESS
   

A New Cleaner
UTI's new chief, M. Damodaran, is gearing up to restore its credibility and make it less of
a casino.

 

 
SPORTS
 

What's The Game?
Lack of planning may reduce the Rs 100-cr sports meet to a mere PR exercise.

 

 
SCIENCE
  White India
A controversial genetic study says upper caste Indians are closer to Europeans and lower castes to Asians.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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EDITORIALS

Surviving Agra

The challenge is to make the best of a rather bad beginning

So there was no miracle in Agra. But President Pervez Musharraf is not alone in feeling "disappointed" and "hurt" by this historic let-down. A large section of the media and those who have made peace with such an elastic state of mind, independent of history or geopolitical reality, are equally devastated. As if two days in the shadow of Taj Mahal should have undone 54 years of institutionalised hate and mistrust. Maybe it was because of the pre-summit mood of great expectations and overuse of the adjective "historic". Something that should have ideally been a business-like affair was turned into a larger-than-reality occasion. That is why the Day After has become the day of subcontinental depression. That is why a word like "failure" is being used to describe a one-dimensional reality. "The commencement of a process" and the "beginning of a journey", so read the pre-summit poetry of the Indian Foreign Ministry. And its post-summit conclusion? "The destination of a joint statement has not been reached." For the prosaic guest there was only one destination and it was Kashmir.

Two nations and two different attitudes. Agra was all about knowing each other. Now India has a clear idea of what the General wants. Also, he has shown to his countrymen what he is bargaining with India for on their behalf. Certainly an intelligent commando, Musharraf, in his heart of hearts, must have known there would be no bilateral agreement on his destination. The General wanted to be specific and the host wanted to be general, and a two-day summit without enough diplomatic preparations or an agenda could not have authored a miracle. The challenge is to make the best of a rather bad beginning. The summit of eternal peace is an illusion, and India and Pakistan have miles to ascend.

Still, Let's Talk Kashmir

Tackle the growing political apathy and vanishing confidence in the Valley

All right, let the General from the other side of the loc talk Kashmir-as a dispute, an issue, a problem or as whatever. That is his existential expediency. It's time India also talked Kashmir-not to the General but to itself. For India, unlike for the General, Kashmir is not a dispute but a situation, a bad domestic situation. True, there is an elected government in the state led by Farooq Abdullah whose administrative record is, to say the least, inadequate. The so-called Kashmiri alienation, to a great extent, cannot be attributed to a misplaced sense of nationalism. Most of the blame should be borne by the rulers of Kashmir. Kashmir, like the Northeast, is far away and has been given a special status. Which means more dollops but less political will to make a qualitative difference to the lives of the people. Kashmiris deserve a better deal from Srinagar and Delhi, not a ridiculous-and often barbaric-deal from across the border.

No nation can afford to lose its people's hearts. Delhi seems to be overlooking this simple truth at a time when Kashmir is part of the international glossary of flashpoints. What is required are political confidence-building measures. Kashmiris seem to have no respite from self-serving political leaderships, and the totally detached National Conference Government shows no signs of being different. When the elected government works towards losing legitimacy, self-elected saviours come to the fore as pseudo spokesmen of Kashmiri conscience. Hence the over-visibility of the Hurriyat, the national credibility of some of whose members is questionable. Kashmir should not be subordinated to India's problems with Pakistan. It should be treated as a domestic urgency. It deserves liberation from political apathy.


 
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