India Today Group Online
 


July 30, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Hit And Run
After two days of intense discussions and frenetic speculation, the Agra summit failed to reconcile the differences between the two countries. The inside story of what really happened. Were the two sides ever close to a settlement? What will be the consequences of a failed summit?


Gotcha!
That was the attitude of Pakistan's media managers who won the misinformation war against India.

Ominous Aftermath
The failure of the summit heralds more bloodshed in Kashmir. The average Kashmiri has much to fear.

 

 
BUSINESS
   

A New Cleaner
UTI's new chief, M. Damodaran, is gearing up to restore its credibility and make it less of
a casino.

 

 
SPORTS
 

What's The Game?
Lack of planning may reduce the Rs 100-cr sports meet to a mere PR exercise.

 

 
SCIENCE
  White India
A controversial genetic study says upper caste Indians are closer to Europeans and lower castes to Asians.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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VIEWPOINT: KAUTILYA

The Dragon Strikes Again

China bags the 2008 Olympics and also puts the seal on a 2001 WTO entry

You have to hand it to the Chinese. They pursue their objectives with a single-minded sense of national purpose. For the past decade, they have been lobbying hard for hosting the Summer Olympics. That effort has finally paid off and the 2008 Games will be held in Beijing. But what is even more significant is the manner in which China has moved swiftly in the past few weeks to resolve all outstanding issues to facilitate its entry into the WTO, probably in November this year, completing a tortuous 15 years of hard bargaining and tough negotiations. Immediately following China's accession, Taiwan will also become a member. This is very much what the Chinese also want since Taiwan is critical to their plans of becoming an IT superpower.

China has had to make major compromises but it has not baulked at doing so. For example, the WTO stipulates a ceiling of 10 per cent (of the value of production) on agricultural subsidies for developing countries and 5 per cent for developed countries. China's level of subsidies is currently around 2 per cent of the value of production. It wanted to be treated as a developing country while the Americans wanted it to be in the developed category. Ultimately, the ceiling for China has been fixed at 8.5 per cent. On almost all pending issues like trading rights, technical barriers to trade and intellectual property rights, China has yielded to the demands of its trading partners. We should thank our stars that we got in at a vastly lower entry price.

China has stood firm and rejected the demand to reduce average tariff levels to that of developed countries. But even here, China is ahead of India. World Bank data reveals that the average tariff levels in China for all products are in the range of 17-19 per cent as compared to 28-33 per cent in India. Again in contrast to India, by deciding to forego the transitional period allowed to developing countries, China has obtained the capability for implementing Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement fully.

In the past year, the "atmospherics" surrounding TRIPS had changed dramatically with countries like Brazil and South Africa asserting their sovereignty to ensure cheap anti-aids drugs. The Americans have not retaliated knowing that it would be a public-relations disaster to fight on behalf of multinationals and be seen to be insensitive to the needs of poor and suffering patients. The WTO itself has taken the lead in looking at TRIPS from the angle of consumers. Undoubtedly, China will assume a leadership role on TRIPS, a role that we could be playing if only our Government is bold and our Parliament can pass laws on time. Ironically, it is an Indian company, Cipla, and an Indian scholar, Jayashree Watal, who have played prominent roles in redefining TRIPS.

China has also come out publicly and unequivocally in favour of a new round of multilateral trade negotiations. On the other hand, India's public stance has been one of opposition and, as usual, it stands virtually alone. Our stated position so far has been that no new round is required and that the priority is for implementation of commitments made during the earlier Uruguay Round. To be sure, implementation is important but the question is how best to address it.

The WTO has already started negotiations on agriculture and services, two areas in which we stand to gain from liberalisation. The TRIPS review has also begun. But these discussions will meander along. It is only in the framework of a "round", which is a politically-mandated process of intensive negotiations in a focused manner, that India can even hope to have its legitimate concerns on implementation addressed meaningfully. It is only in a round encompassing various issues like agriculture, services, industrial tariffs, anti-dumping and TRIPS that countries can indulge in give and take which is what negotiations are all about. Industrial tariffs are particularly important since we face high import duties for labour-intensive manufactured goods, an area in which we can take on the Chinese provided we get our domestic policy right as well. Further, only a new global round can help counter protectionism in the West and also mitigate the adverse impacts of mushrooming bilateral and regional free trade agreements and preferential trading arrangements.

A new round is inevitable and will, in all probability, be given shape when the WTO meets in Qatar in three months' time. We can either hope to influence its agenda proactively or be dragged into it reluctantly. It is possible that the Government, for reasons of domestic politics, wants to follow the latter route, while privately giving assurances to the Americans that India will come on board eventually. This two-faced approach would be entirely consistent with our penchant for hypocrisy but will do our rapidly shrinking international standing no good.

(The author is with the Congress party. These are his personal views.)


 
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