India Today Group Online
 


August 06, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Bloody Finale
In life, Phoolan Devi combined the brutal underbelly of India with political fame and glamour. Gunned down in Delhi, her death could become the occasion for a new round of caste conflict in Uttar Pradesh. Phoolan
is being reinvented posthumously.
A report.


Rule Of Outlaw
Dons and politicians enjoy a symbiotic relationship in Uttar Pradesh.


 
THE NATION
   

Back To The Trenches
Determined not to let up on its Kashmir-centric agenda, Pakistan has stepped up violence in the Valley. Indian security forces gear up to deal with the situation.

 

 
BUSINESS
 

Revenge Of Badla People who lent money to stockbrokers for financing speculators through the badla system find themselves at the receiving end of yet another scam. And with little evidence to nail the accused, chances of recovery are dim.

 

 
NEIGHBOURS
 

The Peacenik
S.B. Deuba's rapport with the Maoists helped him become prime minister. Now he has to deal with their radical demands about the monarchy and secularism.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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NEIGHBOURS: NEPAL

Tough Task Ahead

 

CLASS STRUGGLE: Army personnel mop up at the scene of a Maoist carnage

The question is: how liberal can the new prime minister be with the demands of the Maoists which, apart from antagonising the country's largest trading partner, India, strike at Nepal's two fundamental national sentiments—Hinduism and the institution of monarchy (see box). Deuba's two predecessors, Koirala and K.P. Bhattarai, who bore the brunt of extremist onslaughts since 1996, tried to bring them back into the political system in their own ways but they had to give up.

Unlike the Indian examples of Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, the authority of the Nepal Maoists does not originate from their involvement in localised caste wars and battles over land. Since they launched a "people's war" on the state in 1996, the insurgents have acquired a sizeable presence in all but two of the country's 75 districts, and have fully "liberated" nine districts, comprising 2,500 villages, where they run their own administration, complete with a postal system, village courts and schools. The police administration in most parts of Nepal has fallen to pieces in the face of Maoist attacks. Early in July, the guerrillas killed 41 policemen in Lumjung and Nuwakot in a single night's mayhem. In April, 40 police personnel lost their lives in a nightlong orgy of violence in Rukum and Dolakha. The Nepali Congress, and other parliamentary parties, keep talking about saving the national institutions, but the blood-letting continues, making the writ of Kathmandu's Singha Durbar, the secretariat, uncertain by the day.

THE MAOISTS' DEMANDS

 

END MONARCHY: The royal family's prerogatives must be scrapped.

SECULAR: Nepal must be declared a secular country.

INDO-NEPAL TREATY: All "unequal" treaties must be revoked, including the 1950 Indo-Nepal treaty.

NO OPEN BORDER: The border with India must be controlled.

SWADESHI NUMBER: Ban must be imposed on vehicles with Indian number plates plying in Nepal.

WORK PERMIT: Preference to local workers. Indian workers must come under provision of work permit.

NEW CONSTITUTION: A new constitution must be drafted by a new set of representatives for establishing of a
people's republic.

 

The armed movement is powered by peasants trained in guerrilla warfare, but its leadership is drawn from the educated urban classes, like the Naxalite movement of Bengal in the 1960s. Prachanda, whose real name is Pushp Kamal Dahal, is an agricultural scientist. Baburam Bhattarai, the general secretary of the party, is a trained architect with a PHD from Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University. They entered Nepal's politics in the thick of the pro-democracy movement, formed the United People's Front (UPF), and won nine seats in the first general elections of 1991. As they consolidated their hold in the poverty-stricken mid-west districts, known as the Rapti zone, their MPs clashed with the local bureaucracy and, in copybook Maoist fashion, discarded Parliament after finding it to be a "pigsty". Their 1996 People's War manifesto reads: "Move ahead in the path of armed struggle to establish a new democracy by destroying the reactionary state mechanism." By then the CPN (Maoist) had forged links with the Revolutionary International Movement (RIM), a London-based umbrella organisation that guides many armed communist movements across the world, including Peru's Shining Path and, to an extent, India's People's War Group. They are also a member of the Coordination Committee of the Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (CCCMPOSA) which controls and guides Maoist outfits in India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.

Deuba is arguably a shrewd politician who has correctly gauged the magnitude of the Maoist problem. So had the late King Birendra, who deputed an emissary to talk to Prachanda weeks before his tragic death. Deuba's friendly overtures, and the Maoist response to it, may be ephemeral as the latter may overturn the peace table when they wish, using the pause in battle to consolidate their hold. But Nepal's embattled ruling elite had little choice, and Deuba was its best available peacenik.


 
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