India Today Group Online
 


August 06, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Bloody Finale
In life, Phoolan Devi combined the brutal underbelly of India with political fame and glamour. Gunned down in Delhi, her death could become the occasion for a new round of caste conflict in Uttar Pradesh. Phoolan
is being reinvented posthumously.
A report.


Rule Of Outlaw
Dons and politicians enjoy a symbiotic relationship in Uttar Pradesh.


 
THE NATION
   

Back To The Trenches
Determined not to let up on its Kashmir-centric agenda, Pakistan has stepped up violence in the Valley. Indian security forces gear up to deal with the situation.

 

 
BUSINESS
 

Revenge Of Badla People who lent money to stockbrokers for financing speculators through the badla system find themselves at the receiving end of yet another scam. And with little evidence to nail the accused, chances of recovery are dim.

 

 
NEIGHBOURS
 

The Peacenik
S.B. Deuba's rapport with the Maoists helped him become prime minister. Now he has to deal with their radical demands about the monarchy and secularism.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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STATES: WEST BENGAL

Appetite For Business Risk

These branches of the Bengali brotherhood are orchestrated by two central functionaries of the Naba Jagaran trust: General Secretary Ashok Dasgupta, editor of Aaj Kal, a pro-left Bengali daily, and Executive President Tapan Mitra, former chairman of the Indian Aluminium Limited (when it was a subsidiary of the Canadian AlCan) and chairman of Haldia Petrochemicals Limited (HPL). HPL is the West Bengal Government's flagship Rs 5,170-crore project in a joint venture with Purnendu Chatterjee (backed by the funds of George Soros, a US investor) and the Tata Group. Both enjoy a special relationship with the ruling Left Front. During the May assembly election, Aaj Kal's advocacy for the Front made a dent in the opposition campaign despite its modest circulation. And the state Government retained Mitra, an old CPI(M) favourite despite shareholders' persistent objection.

Banking on past success alone to regenerate Bengal's 'animal spirit' may be far too ambitious.

The presence of these two acknowledged friends-of-the-Left has helped Naba Jagaran mobilise support from a string of middling Bengali businessmen. One of them, Satyabrata Dey, runs Sreeleathers, a small but high-profile company for making low-end shoes with sales figures touching Rs 25 crore.

Another Naba Jagaran activist, Arnab Basu, has successfully developed licensed production and retail network in Kolkata of Monginis, a Mumbai confectioner. There is yet another, a Bengali-speaking Rajasthani Kashinath Chaurasia who owns Ganguram, a well-remembered chain of Bengali sweet shops. He was co-opted in the hall of fame of Bengalis in business by Naba Jagaran activists for the sandesh he makes, an ambrosian delight.

The elevation of these men behind the grocer's counter to the status of the path-breaking entrepreneurs may overtax one's imagination, but the Naba Jagaran leaders are none too particular about balance sheet sizes as long as the entrepreneur is a Bengali.

Naba Jagaran may be lacking in support from the more widely known Bengali business families, but it has a generous pick of Bengal's cultural notables. Its ad hoc executive committee includes apart from novelist Sunil Gangopadhyay, veteran film actor Soumitra Chatterjee, football coach and former Olympian P.K. Bannerjee, magician P.C. Sorcar, police dig Nazrul Islam and singers Indranil Sen and Ajit Pande. In individual conversation, many of them say that they have been attracted to Naba Jagaran by its promise of "doing something positive" for the uplift of Bengal. Most of them have starry-eyed ideas about the state's future, but no clear strategy. Some seem to have political ambition-like Islam who is permitted by the Government to don the uniform on weekdays and to propagate the cause of the Bengali people over the weekend. The organisation is supposedly non-political. "We would not admit someone as a member if he is connected with party politics," says Dasgupta.

But there is no denying that its political agenda, couched in economic jargon, has an undercurrent of anti-Centre sentiments. Mitra, for example, says that "many of our members" want the states to get credit (instead of the Reserve Bank of India) for "every dollar we earn through export". Its fallout in a federal structure like India is unimaginable. Besides making the Centre a supplicant to the states even to pay for the nationally important imports-like defence and oil purchases-it can bring about a meltdown of the national currency by a handful of states' collective show of hostility towards Delhi.

Despite its rhetoric, Naba Jagaran is a harmless, if not amusing, fraternity till it remains an exercise to let the ageing and successful members of the club dream up their own utopia-their private "Sonar Bangla". The danger is that its love of Bengal and the language fetish may acquire a parochial tinge over time. It could prove to be an embarrassment for a state Government that is willing to trade its ideology for private investment, regardless of who the investor is-Bengali, Marwari, Gujarati or a Wall Street financier.


 
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MetroScape

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