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COVER
STORY: RSS
Disillusioned Cadre
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DOWN, NOT OUT: While BMS founder Thengdi (above) is effectively
silenced, Dharmendra is raging on against the BJP-led Government
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While VHP International
General Secretary Pravin Togadia scales down such reactions he does not
refrain from voicing displeasure over India's stance on Pakistan. "There
is no difference in the stands of the workers and the leaders. Only the
style of expression might differ. We all believe that the Vajpayee Government
has projected India as a soft state and that its repeated peace overtures
to the Pakistanis and its decision to ease movement on the Indo-Pak border
are being interpreted as a sign of India's loss of will to fight terrorism,"
he says.
Togadia cannot, however, explain the gradual
erosion of the VHP mass base. In Ahmedabad, a protest rally by the Bajrang
Dal against the killing of the Amarnath yatris last month attracted only
500 workers, an event that would have drawn no less than 5,000 workers
earlier. Besides, in the past three years, the enrolment of new members
in the RSS has come down significantly, as has the attendance at shakhas
across the country.
Ravi Garach, a college
student, began frequenting an RSS shakha in 1999 but withdrew when the
leadership sought to justify Vajpayee's decision not to cross the LoC
during the Kargil war, as part of Chanakyaniti (diplomacy). "What
sort of Chanakyaniti is it," asks Garach, "if you sacrifice
your soldiers to score a point?" No wonder then that the hardcore
RSS workers are distraught at the Shiv Sena stealing the thunder by taking
a strident position on national security issues.
The RSS' dilemma could be attributed to the
organisation's obsession with discipline. Discipline has always been sacrosanct-even
a senior leader like VHP President Ashok Singhal wasn't invited to the
RSS' chintan baithaks (deliberations) for a while after the Babri
demolition because he "couldn't control the Hindutva brigade".
The leaders fear that approval of an anti-Vajpayee stance could let loose
a torrent of criticism creating disciplinary problems among the workers.
That hasn't, however, stemmed criticism against
Vajpayee, and even Home Minister L.K. Advani, though it's done in hush-hush
tones. The fear persists that if the RSS leaders continue to peddle BJP's
soft line as diplomacy, the "nationalist and militant character"
of the organisation might simply perish. Aparvar Singh, a senior Sangh
worker from Madhya Pradesh, is quick to dismiss the apprehension. "There
is no dilution in our stand but we limit our discussions to the party
forum," he says. However, Rajendra Sharma, owner of Bhopal's RSS
mouthpiece Swadeshi is sceptical. "There is now fear of organisations
like the Students Islamic Movement of India becoming more powerful,"
he says.
In Karnataka, the despondency in the RSS camp
is unmistakeable. Says A. Narayana, a worker: "We feel the BJP is
moving away from hardcore Sangh ideals. The Vajpayee Government isn't
reflecting our stand on several issues." In Bihar, the RSS rank and
file is reeling from what it perceives as a series of humiliations the
country has suffered under Vajpayee. But in true RSS style, the dissent
is smothered. Says Shatrughan Prasad, the Bihar prantsanchalak: "We
are not a political outfit that we react to every issue. As we are involved
in social work we keep away from politics." Significantly, he doesn't
defend the Vajpayee Government.
For a silent dissent in the making, the rumbles
within the 75-year-old RSS are decidedly becoming shrill. But it may still
be a while before the roar creates an uproar.
-With Farzand Ahmed, Stephen David and
Neeraj Mishra
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