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COVER STORY: A. B. VAJPAYEE
Failing Leader
The uproar over the prime minister's threat to resign
may be over with the National Democratic Alliance reaffirming its faith
in him and promising to behave. But the incident has called into question
Vajpayee's inclination to govern. Buffeted by a string of crises, is he
preparing for a last bow?
By Swapan Dasgupta
Power induces a
strange metamorphosis in those who come to exercise it. Indira Gandhi
began her innings as a shy, hesitant daughter of a famous man-a goongi
gudia in the hands of the party bosses. She ended life as an imperious
prime minister, an unbridled autocrat in a democratic chaos. Her son Rajiv
took off as a decent, slightly self-effacing public school sort and landed
back to earth as the villain of Bofors, his receding hairline complementing
a new-found arrogance. To Morarji Desai, it didn't matter. He strode into
office an infuriatingly self-righteous, obstinate faddist and walked into
the sunset exactly the same way. Not a khadi pleat out of place.
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PETULANT: Vajpayee's offer to resign had little provocation
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When Atal Bihari Vajpayee took oath on a March
morning three years ago-after a false start in 1996-he was already a known
commodity. India's foremost orator and a parliamentarian since 1957, he
came with a reputation of a man difficult to dislike. Affable, courteous,
given to sharp one-liners and bursts of uneven poetry, he seemed the epitome
of reassurance-the much needed comforting touch after a prolonged spell
of turbulence. Vajpayee wasn't young but his greyness numbed the uncertainty
of a new beginning.
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BLIND SPOTS: Where
He Failed
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ECONOMY
This was the first government without an inherited baggage. The
priority was speedier reforms. The 2001 budget was lauded but actual
performance was marred by the global slowdown. Coalition pressures
prevented a reduction of government expenditure and stalled public
sector disinvestment.
SCAMS
The BJP promised suraj and a scam-free government. For two years
things went well, then came the Tehelka revelations, the will controversy
and, finally, the crisis in UTI. The PMO was dragged into controversy
and Vajpayee's family wasn't spared. Now the impression is of yet
another scam-tainted regime.
INDO-PAK
Vajpayee went to Lahore and triggered hope. But the Kargil war happened.
The Government said it wouldn't talk until cross-border terrorism
ended and then invited Musharraf to Agra. The talks failed, Pakistan
won a propaganda war and the Government was charged with unpreparedness.
GOVERNANCE
Vajpayee was the unquestioned leader but had no control over his
ministers. Some of them worked to scuttle cabinet decisions and
others were plain incompetent. A hands-off prime minister left them
to their own devices. The result: a few areas of great progress
and large tracts of total non-governance.
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It seemed so different last Tuesday morning at
the meeting of the BJP Parliamentary Party in the Parliament Annexe. A
weekly ritual aimed at providing backbenchers a forum to air their thoughts
and grievances before the leadership, this meeting was sparsely attended,
only 80 or so of the 200 BJP MPs being present. An unusual absentee was
Home Minister L.K. Advani who was busy giving finishing touches to a statement
on the murder of former bandit Phoolan Devi. "I too will be making
a statement," the prime minister told him cryptically.
The meeting, chaired by External Affairs Minister
Jaswant Singh and conducted by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pramod Mahajan,
was preoccupied with the functioning of an institution that is at the
heart of India's elaborate political patronage system-local telephone
advisory committees. As MP after MP got up to denounce Telecommunications
Minister Ram Vilas Paswan's unfair distribution of largesse, Vajpayee
indicated to Jaswant that he wanted to speak.
Coming from someone who had of late become only
a good listener, this was a welcome but unusual request. "What does
he want to speak on?" Mahajan asked Jaswant. When Jaswant found out
the answer, his face fell. As did Mahajan's. But before they could collectively
dissuade the prime minister, Vajpayee switched on his microphone and began
speaking.
"I find myself unable to run the NDA cohesively,"
he said, "and being prime minister I own full responsibility for
this. I want to quit and you should choose somebody else in my place.
I am told I have grown old and that I am also unwell. Before people tell
me it's time to go, I want to retire on my own."
A voice from the back shouted, "No, that
can't be." For the rest, there was just stunned silence. Vajpayee
got up and began walking out. A bewildered Jaswant escorted him in silence.
But Mahajan was quick to gauge the significance of what Vajpayee had said.
"This is our agnipariksha (litmus test). Not a word of what has been
said must get out," he barked at the stunned MPs.
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STALLED: A prolific orator, Vajpayee is virtually tongue-tied now
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Within 15 minutes, the TV channel Aaj Tak announced
the news of the prime minister's desire to resign.
After which all hell broke loose. An agitated
Mahajan broke the news to Advani, and together with Human Resources Development
Minister Murli Manohar Joshi and Jaswant, the group set about persuading
Vajpayee to reconsider. The entire drama lasted 40 minutes and Vajpayee
relented.
What was subsequently to be lauded by some as
a "political masterstroke" left BJP and NDA MPs unimpressed.
The common refrain was that it was "unnecessary" and an "over-reaction".
The uncharitable Opposition dismissed it as a "gimmick" and
a "tactical ploy" to resolve internal tensions within the NDA.
Vajpayee had come to Parliament from Race Course
Road that morning determined to make that announcement. It was a decision
that neither his Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra-busy that morning
in an Indo-French security dialogue-nor the Prime Minister's Office (PMO)
was privy to. At best, it appears to have been arrived at in consultation
with his family.
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