India Today Group Online
 


August 20, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Missing The Leader
The nation seems to be in the middle of a leadership crisis. An opinion poll conducted by ORG-MARG for INDIA TODAY shows that both Vajpayee and Sonia Gandhi's popularity ratings have dropped, leaving the people yearning for a strong leader like Indira Gandhi.


Leaders In Crisis
The INDIA TODAY-ORG-MARG opinion poll last January was Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's wake-up call. He chose to put the alarm clock on snooze and thereby accelerated the decline in his Government's popularity.

 

 
THE NATION
    The Paswan
Morse Code
Telecommunications Minister Ram Vilas Paswan has a simple code to win over supporters: fill the advisory committees with his own people, entitling them to a phone connection and free calls.

 

 
BUSINESS
 

Is Reliance The
Red Herring
It is now UTI's investment in Reliance industries that is under scrutiny.


 
DEFENCE
 

Air Battles
Air Chief Tipnis and Defence Minister Jaswant Singh are on a path of confrontation on strategic issues. The logjam threatens to turn serious.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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VIEWPOINT: FIFTH COLUMN

Conspiracy Of Silence

Economic reforms will restrict government interference — and the scope for corruption

Tavleen SinghOne reason why we are no longer shocked
by the unspeakable corruption of our officials
and politicians-why Jayalalitha, for example, can win again in Tamil Nadu-is because we are forced to talk about corruption mostly in generic terms. Businessmen, who understand the nuances of corruption better than most people, are forced into a conspiracy of silence that makes it impossible for them to admit publicly how much they pay to build a bridge, set up a factory, build a hotel or get advance information on what UTI is up to. So the only hint of how rotten the system is comes when a businessman, even on condition of absolute anonymity, agrees to speak in more specific terms. I met such a businessman recently and this is the tale of graft and bribery he had to tell.

He prefaced his story by saying, "You do know that it's worse than ever, don't you? Everyone is on the take at every level of government and the prices they ask today ... you people in the press, you haven't any idea." He recently finished building a hotel in one of our smaller cities, he said, and no sooner was it completed than a municipal official approached him with this proposition. He was ready to negotiate the amount of municipal taxes the hotelier was obliged to pay but for a price. "It should be at least Rs 1 crore a year but if you give me Rs 75 lakh I can ensure that it comes down to only Rs 22 lakh annually."

I recount this particular story also because it is multi-faceted in its representation of the features and consequences of corruption in India. Think what the cost of bribes must be at our state government level if municipal officials ask for Rs 75 lakh? Well, why bother when we all know that by the time it gets to the Centre, we speak of crores not lakhs. Tehelka was not even the tip of the dung heap, it was only a small whiff. Another interesting facet of the story is that it comes from one of our poorest states. The state government-the condition of anonymity prevent me from naming it-never ceases to beg in Delhi for more money. Its primary excuse for being one of the worst governed, least developed states in India is that it is too poor to do better.

How fascinating then that municipal officials are able to make Rs 75 lakh on a single deal. They make the money, please observe, by depriving the state of funds that may have gone towards improving the hideous, unclean, unplanned towns that deface the Indian landscape. Instead, it goes into the pockets of officials who in a less humane society would have been shot for stealing public money.

Another interesting aspect of this particular story relates to how long and complicated a business it still is to try and build anything in India. My hotelier friend took more than five years to get permission to build his hotel and at almost every stage there was someone's pocket waiting to be lined. When it comes to corruption-as this column has pointed out before-there really is a trickle down effect. In other countries, it is usually possible to build your hotel or your factory by bribing-if required-only a handful of people at the very top. In India we are more democratic about these things one has to work your way up almost from the peon upwards.

In Delhi there is, per force, a certain decorum involved so you cannot just march into the office of a joint secretary in the Ministry of Tourism and say, "Right, here is your Rs 2 crore (or whatever the going rate is) now can I build my hotel?" In Bhopal, Jaipur, Lucknow, Patna and even Mumbai there is a more easygoing approach to corruption so you can, in fact, discuss details openly. Chief ministers have eminently approachable touts and proxies who collect money openly and they do it at every stage of a project or a contract. One of the reasons why 95 per cent of our state governments (or is it more?) have made no effort to encourage economic reforms is because there is too much money to be made by leaving things the way they are.

So, although Yashwant Sinha may try to do his bit as finance ministers before him did, the India that lies beyond the borders of Delhi remains pretty much unchanged. Doing business is such a nightmare that most foreign investors prefer to take their money to East Asia and as for Indian businessmen only those who play the game survive.

There is no point then in throwing our hands up in horror every time there is a UTI type scam. If we want change we have to demand that economic reforms-especially at the state government level-are speeded up so that governments no longer have the powers they do to interfere in everything. Unless this happens we will have to live with the horror of even municipal officials making more in a single deal than you and I can hope to make in two lifetimes.


 
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