India Today Group Online
 


September 10, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Coke Tales
The arrest and interrogation of a peddler in Delhi reveal that at glitzy parties in faraway farmhouses, money and power go on high with the kick of cocaine. It's the haute drug for the stylish people in black. A peep into the world of the cocaine-users.

 

 
THE NATION
   

Invisible Dialogue
Vajpayee has promised a solution by March next year. But who is he talking to? Nobody knows.


 
THE NATION
 

Gunning For Arun
Jaswant Singh's special adviser is again at the centre of a controversy. This one though is not of his own making.

 

 
SOCIETY
 

New Metro Hotspots
Establishments combining a rash of activities have taken over from the one-dimensional discos in urban India.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
Home 
 
 

VIEWPOINT: POLITICALLY CORRECT

Reluctant Salesman

Disinvestment is in disarray because there is no transparency or political will

He was the hunter. He hunted with his pen. He wrote articles, editorials and books. His quarry was, at different times, Indira Gandhi, A.R. Antulay, the Hindujas, the Ambanis, Dr B.R. Ambedkar. It is a long list. Much of what he wrote has been long forgotten, but his fearsome reputation is still intact.

Such is the man who is India's disinvestment minister. Arun Shourie. Honest to a fault, totally convinced that he is right and everyone else is wrong, Shourie has been minister for disinvestment for 14 months. He has an able secretary, Pradeep Baijal. Yet, what do they have to show by way of results? Zilch. In 2000-1, the Government raised Rs 1,868 crore through disinvestment against a target of Rs 10,000 crore. This year, not
a rupee has been obtained against an ambitious target of Rs 12,000 crore.

When Arun Jaitley became disinvestment minister in December 1999, I advised him to revive the Disinvestment Commission, which had been abolished a few months earlier. My reasons were quite simple. First, the government cannot be its own adviser. Second, it made sense for the political executive to keep some distance between government and the actual disinvestment process. Third, dealing with the Hindujas and the Dhoots is not easy even in the best of circumstances. Finally, someone has to convince the deeply suspicious electorate that disinvestment is not a distress sale of the family silver, but a considered policy instrument to enhance enterprise value and preserve employment.

To my great regret, Jaitley rejected the idea. He thought he could do the job himself. He was lucky-he disinvested Modern Foods and was moved out of the Disinvestment Ministry. Shourie has realised, belatedly, the advantages of having a Disinvestment Commission. So we have one today, albeit in a purely advisory role. In course of time, I hope, Shourie will yield his powers to the commission.

Meanwhile, let us look at the progress in disinvestment:

Not one of the 27 PSUs cleared for disinvestment this year has been privatised. None will be in 2001-2.

Air-India has one bidder which is "re-evaluating" the situation. Singapore Airlines hopes to get a crucial condition regarding the stake of foreigners raised from 20 per cent to 49 per cent.

Indian Airlines has no bidder left. At the rate the bidders are withdrawing, VSNL will also have no bidders left. VSNL's market cap has fallen by nearly Rs 25,000 crore in the past 18 months and will fall further when its monopoly over long-distance services ends in March 2002.

Since Shourie has little to show by way of results, he is very frustrated and angry. He threatens to "reveal everything": the propositions that the Hindujas put to him, the recording of conversations between the Hindujas and the minister (Nixon style?), the importunities of a Videocon official ("my senior in college") and how security clearance was given to Jet Airways ("you find out").

Shourie promised transparency. It is difficult to agree that every twist and turn was intended to impart greater transparency. The different definitions of NRI/OCB, the post-bid security clearance, the amendments to the draft shareholders' agreement and the other interventions by the minister have resulted in the exact opposite: more opacity. Recently, he was quizzed on these matters by Business World, and what does Shourie do? He resorts to abuse, needlessly dragging in Sonia Gandhi's name and countering, "I want to know what these fools mean by transparency."

He should put the question to T.R. Prasad, the cabinet secretary, who is certainly no fool. I cannot vouch for the authenticity of the letter dated July 17, 2001 which Prasad purportedly wrote to Brajesh Mishra. But the logic of the argument is unassailable. The author of the letter advised that the Government should maximise the value of the enterprise, attract more bidders and sell in a transparent manner. The advice was given in the context of Air-India, but it will apply to every case of privatisation.

Shourie forgets that the Government is the seller. How does it matter to the Government who the buyer is, so long as he pays good value? No other country regards owning an international airline as a matter concerning national security. The truth is that the Government does not want to make a clean exit. It wants to retain a crucial stake, appoint its own directors and run the business through a proxy. In short, the Government does not want a risk-taking entrepreneur, it wants a sucker.

Privatisation is in such disarray because everyone has seen through the Government's game. The hunter has become the hunted. It's a pity. Shourie is too talented to be wasted. The prime minister should disband the Disinvestment Ministry, hand over full authority to the Disinvestment Commission and find another job for Shourie.

(The author is a former Indian finance minister.)


 
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