India Today Group Online
 


September 10, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Coke Tales
The arrest and interrogation of a peddler in Delhi reveal that at glitzy parties in faraway farmhouses, money and power go on high with the kick of cocaine. It's the haute drug for the stylish people in black. A peep into the world of the cocaine-users.

 

 
THE NATION
   

Invisible Dialogue
Vajpayee has promised a solution by March next year. But who is he talking to? Nobody knows.


 
THE NATION
 

Gunning For Arun
Jaswant Singh's special adviser is again at the centre of a controversy. This one though is not of his own making.

 

 
SOCIETY
 

New Metro Hotspots
Establishments combining a rash of activities have taken over from the one-dimensional discos in urban India.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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THE NATION: AYODHYA DISPUTE

Far From Solution

But as voices in the VHP began to reach a higher octave, Vajpayee promptly proffered a solution to the Ayodhya dispute before March next year. The Government also engaged some lesser-known Islamic leaders to work out a negotiated settlement. These included the head priest of the Ajmer Sharif dargah, Shia leaders from Lucknow and the Barelwi sect, and Muslim leaders like Javed Habib, chief of the Babri Masjid Action Committee (International). "I had submitted some proposals to Vajpayee in November last year and hope he has been working on them," says Habib.

But such fringe leaders are not considered the voice of Muslims by many. "Only the 15-member committee formed by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) is the competent authority to hold a dialogue with either the Centre or the VHP," says Syed Shahabuddin, AIMPLB member and convener of the Babri Masjid Coordination Committee (BMCC). With Muslim leaders not agreeing to anything less than the reconstruction of the mosque at the same place where it stood before the demolition, no solution seems to be in sight.

ZAFARYAB JILANI
"It is a political gimmick"

 

Vajpayee is more dangerous than Advani, says AIBMAC Convener Zafaryab Jilani in a conversation with Assistant Editor Sharad Gupta.

Q. Have you held any dialogue with the Centre on Ayodhya?
A.
No. Every prime minister from V.P. Singh to P.V. Narasimha Rao has spoken to us but not Vajpayee.

Q. But Vajpayee has claimed he is having talks to find a solution.
A.
He must be talking through his hat. In fact, we had indicated in January that we were ready for talks but no one approached us.

Q. What do you make of the prime minister's assurance?
A.
It is a political gimmick on the eve of Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in which his party is sure to suffer a setback. It also shows the Centre will keep mum while the VHP will carry out its movement.

Q. Hasn't Vajpayee made it clear he will wait for the court verdict?
A.
Public memory is very short. Vajpayee is much more dangerous than L.K. Advani who does exactly what he says. This man says something, means something else and does something else.

 

The three possible resolutions to the problem will revolve around the impending court verdict, a law enacted by Parliament or an out-of-court settlement. The title suit pending before the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court for the past 50 years has been moving at a snail's pace and the verdict is unlikely even in the next 10 years. On the other hand, the NDA Government does not have a majority in the Rajya Sabha, leaving it incapable of enacting a law. Moreover, no partner except the Shiv Sena is likely to approve of such a law. So the only option is to hold negotiations with Hindu and Muslim leaders. But with both sides adhering rigidly to their stances, Ayodhya seems far from reaching a solution.

"We won't concede an inch of the Babri masjid land," asserts Sultan Salauddin Owaisi, BMAC president. The Muslim leaders also allege that Vajpayee has bestowed legitimacy to the VHP threats by promising a solution before its deadline. Says Shahabuddin: "Vajpayee should have restrained the VHP leaders from issuing vitriolic statements." They have also begun to suspect Vajpayee's motives, alleging that the promise was aimed at buying time rather than seriously working on an out-of-court settlement. "Vajpayee is only interested in bringing Hindu voters back to the BJP on the eve of assembly elections. He does not seem to mind the means he adopts to achieve his goal," says Jilani.

The VHP leaders, however, think Vajpayee is feeling the heat of its mass movement and the assurance has been given to lull the cadre into complacency. Vajpayee may have mastered the art of blending moderation with extremism but his skills will be truly tested at Ayodhya in March 2002.


 
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