September 24, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Jehad Against World
The danger that Islamic terrorism poses to the US and the world was underscored in a stunning manner by the audacious strikes in New York and Washington.

Alliance In The Air
Russia, NATO and India may be friends in adversity.

Death Bringer
The Saudi renegade embarrasses his hosts.

Joining Hands
India will cooperate with the US in fighting terrorism.

Wake-up Call
Despite precautions, India can't remain complacent.

$30 Billion And Counting
The impact on India is just beginning to show.


 
CRIME
   

Liaison Man Man
Over half a century, Salik Ram has persuaded almost 500 dacoits to lay down arms.

 
SOCIETY & TRENDS
 

Leisure Storeys
Cinemas, hotels, game arcades all rolled into one.


 
CINEMA
 

Greenback Revival
Kolkata is getting a new polish with expatriates providing the finance for productions.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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COVER STORY: INDIA'S RESPONSE

Will India Benefit?

India has borne the brunt of the attacks by terrorists or "jehadis" — as Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf calls them — since the early 1990s. Backed by Islamabad and trained in camps run by radical Islamic elements on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, these terrorists have been responsible for the loss of at least 70,000 lives in Jammu and Kashmir alone. Delhi was also the target of a planned terrorist operation when Indian Airlines flight IC-814 from Kathmandu to Delhi was hijacked and taken to Kandahar in December 1999. It was the first indication of the locus of terrorism shifting from the Middle East to South Asia. The fountainhead was the Taliban-run Afghanistan and its supporters such as bin Laden apart from Pakistan's Jamaat-e-Ulema-e-Islam and its Inter-Services Intelligence.

 

 

  FOR A RANSOM: The 1999 Kandahar hijack of the IA plane (above) showed the locus of terrorism has shifted to South Asia; the Agra talks broke off over differences on cross-border terrorism

Yet till now India had found it difficult to convince the US even to put a ban on terrorist groups such as the Pakistan-supported Lashkar-e-Toiba which have been responsible for unleashing the wave of violence in Kashmir. Washington always looked on jehadi terrorism in Kashmir as part of a societal malady peculiar to the subcontinent. As an official says, "The Kashmir issue preceded the rise of terrorism in the Valley." The US regarded earlier terrorist strikes against its own facilities as a fallout of its policies against them.

This assessment did not change even though the US cruise missile attack on Afghanistan in August 1998 managed to hit a camp training pan-Islamic jehadis for terrorism in Kashmir. Nor did the US move with any great speed on a UN treaty to counter worldwide terrorism. But with Bush making it his mission to break the back of terrorism after the September 11 strikes, there will be a major shift in terms of resources, strategies and the swiftness with which the US will move on the issue.

So will the US haul Pakistan over the coals now? And will India see some respite in Kashmir? Yes and no. The Indian Army believes that violence in the Valley will go down within a month. That's because it suits Pakistan to lie low for a while. But if the Ministry of External Affairs hopes that the US will abandon Pakistan, they may be belied. The US will turn on the heat, but unless there is solid proof of the Pakistan Government's involvement and continuing complicity, the flame will be used to singe but not engulf President Musharraf. Part of the reason is that America does not want to see a nuclear Pakistan go fundamentalist and prove an even greater threat.

The US has demanded that Pakistan distance itself from the Taliban regime. Musharraf now finds himself walking on very thin line. He cannot afford to cut off support to either the Taliban or the jehadis in Kashmir. But he could also face the wrath of the US if he is seen not to be sincere in helping them bring the culprits to book for the dastardly acts. Pakistan though still has friends in the current US administration. Many of them served George W. Bush's father when he was president and Ronald Reagan and value Pakistan's help in driving out the Soviets from Afghanistan.

September 11 may have radically altered all that but the US will not want to cause too much destabilisation and end up battling more. It also needs as many Muslim nations as it can have on its side so that the coming war will not end up as a clash of civilisations as Harvard historian Samuel Huntington had predicted. Nor does the US want to make bin Laden a martyr, which could foster, as one official says, "clones of bin Laden continuing from where he left off".

Though India has offered all help, the US, while appreciative of the gesture, will use it judiciously. Much as India would want the coming war on terrorism to get at the Kashmir jehadis as well, America may not want to get embroiled in such a complicated and complex issue. So it may decide against using Indian territory as a staging ground or for logistic support for military action. Also, as a US official asks: "What's left for us anyway to bomb in Afghanistan?" Years of civil war have left the nation in ruins and there are very few high value targets that the US can strike. Merely bombing terrorists camps will not help either. For these could easily be moved to other centres or countries and continue to cause havoc. What the US may do is to involve India, Russia and some Central Asian republics in rebuilding the Northern Alliance against the Taliban regime into a formidable force that would overrun the country and destroy bin Laden's base in the country. That way it can also ensure a more stable Afghanistan.

All these developments do seem like a win-win situation for India. But the final gains may not live up to the country's current expectations.


 
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