India Today Group Online
 


September 24, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Jehad Against World
The danger that Islamic terrorism poses to the US and the world was underscored in a stunning manner by the audacious strikes in New York and Washington.

Alliance In The Air
Russia, NATO and India may be friends in adversity.

Death Bringer
The Saudi renegade embarrasses his hosts.

Joining Hands
India will cooperate with the US in fighting terrorism.

Wake-up Call
Despite precautions, India can't remain complacent.

$30 Billion And Counting
The impact on India is just beginning to show.


 
CRIME
   

Liaison Man Man
Over half a century, Salik Ram has persuaded almost 500 dacoits to lay down arms.

 
SOCIETY & TRENDS
 

Leisure Storeys
Cinemas, hotels, game arcades all rolled into one.


 
CINEMA
 

Greenback Revival
Kolkata is getting a new polish with expatriates providing the finance for productions.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
Home 
 
 

COVER STORY: US RETALIATION

Fusion Reaction

A "coalition of the willing" to fight terrorism is being
talked of, and NATO, Russia, China and India are among likely members

It took less than two dozen determined individuals, reportedly armed with nothing more sophisticated than knives, to do what neither the combined military strength of the German Third Reich and Imperial Japan during World War II nor the nuclear might of the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War could accomplish: a crippling attack at the very centre of the United States' military and economic power.

 

 
EMERGENCY LANDING: President Bush walks out of Air Force One at Offutt Air Force Base near Omaha, Nebraska, for a briefing on national security following the attacks

For more than 24 hours the world's lone superpower was under siege. Its president, unable to return to the capital during the day, was forced to act like a fugitive; its airports, ports and border crossings were sealed; and its overwhelming state-of-the-art military machine ineffectively flexed its muscles against a stealthy enemy. The sense of fear and panic was palpable. Noted New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd: "It was chilling to see how unprepared those in charge of planning seemed after years of warnings about just such an attack."

Indeed, since the end of the Cold War more Americans (and for that matter Indians) have been killed in terrorist attacks-both home-grown and foreign-than on the battlefield. In fact, as recently as February this year a US national commission headed by former senators Gary Hart and Warren Rudman warned of a catastrophic attack that would cause either "mass destruction" or "mass disruption". If the death toll from the events of September 11 runs into the thousands, as New York's Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani warned grimly, then the attackers would have achieved the unsavoury distinction of causing both mass destruction and disruption by using unconventional means.

Although the US intelligence community was held culpable by many in not being able to either prevent or pre-empt this Tuesday's events, the defence of its horrific failure was even more disingenuous. The intelligence agencies, which have a budget of well over $30 billion (Rs 1,41,000 crore), claimed that this tragic lapse was on account of their budgetary constraints. This is not the first time that such an argument has been articulated; similar claims were made following the mistaken bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999.

However, most experts agree that the problem is not one of funding but a preference for "sigint" (technology- based intelligence gathering) over the more hands-on "humint" (field agents trained to infiltrate enemy groups and gather intelligence). According to former director of the Central Intelligence Agency James Woolsey this is largely due to the changes in the operational policies of the agency, which now frowns upon recruiting spies from within terrorist groups.

The intelligence failure apart, the September 11 episode also dramatically redefined the security landscape of the United States. When President George W. Bush finally returned to Washington DC and met with his cabinet, he no longer referred to the events as "terrorist acts" but described them as "acts of war". In doing so he unconsciously echoed the distinction that India too has been making for nearly a decade between "terrorist acts" and "proxy war" or, more recently, "cross-border terrorism" to describe state-sponsored terrorism, which was apparent in the coordinated bombing campaign in Mumbai in 1993 and is still evident in most of the Kashmir Valley.

The difference, of course, is that while Bush categorically resolved that the US "will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harboured them" Indian leaders have often debated "hot-pursuit" without any resolution, let alone action.

While there is no doubt that Bush has both the political will and the military wherewithal to act upon his declaration it is still not clear what form this action will take. In the short to medium term, there are at least two possible options for him to consider. First, that the US will go it alone and probably launch strikes at the suspected locations of the terrorist camps, similar to its retaliatory cruise missile strikes at locations in Afghanistan and Sudan following the coordinated attacks on US embassies in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam in 1998. This time too the indications are that Afghanistan in general and the locations related to the Al-Qaida organisation (led by Osama bin Laden) in particular are likely targets. However, the response is unlikely to be confined only to missile strikes.


 
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