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October 01, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

America's General
Pakistan takes its most crucial decision since the 1971 war — to side with the US against the Taliban. The clerics may protest, but Musharraf has few options.

ECONOMIC IMPACT
Where Are We Going?
Fear and uncertainty stalk the Indian economy as early damages begin to show.

 
US RETALIATION
   

Ready For Battle
Where will the US strike, with what and how? A report on the military options before the global coalition that the Americans are building against terrorism.

 
INDIAN RESPONSE
 

Shifting Stance
Indian foreign policy is in a flux following the terrorist strikes in the US, metamorphosing in tandem with the tectonic shift in the geopolitical landscape of the world.

 

 
NEW TERRORISM
 

Menace In The Mind
People like bin Laden are not so much politicising religion as religionising politics.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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VIEWPOINT: KAUTILYA

September 11 And Afterax

The three Ds-democracy, diversity and development-assume new significance

By the admission of the new US Ambassador in Delhi, the scholarly Harvard don Robert Blackwill, George W. Bush is fascinated by India, by how a billion people rooted in democracy are trying to improve their standard of living.

But September 11, 2001 will undoubtedly cast a long shadow. There is understandable nervousness in this country that the US will once again revive its special relationship with Pakistan and that this would be at the cost of closer ties with India. Blackwill has denied that the US will let India down. He has, in fact, rejected suggestions that the US has given a sympathetic hearing to Pakistan's "conditions" for cooperation. But not everybody is convinced and there is widespread worry here at the prospects of some secret deal between Pakistan and the US that would result in greater American pressure on India on Jammu and Kashmir.

The US cannot absolve itself of its responsibility for the awesome militarisation of Afghanistan. Its role in making the Taliban possible has been detailed in the noted Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid's classic Taliban which was published last year. In October 1996, I recall meeting a very senior State Department official in Washington who was making the case that the Taliban would bring stability to Afghanistan and make possible vast supplies of natural gas from Turkmenistan to India for which an American company, Unocal, had prepared a detailed proposal. The US has also been very insensitive to Indian cries about terrorism being supported by Pakistan, first in Punjab in the 1980s and subsequently in Jammu and Kashmir over the past decade and more. But this is not the time to remind the Americans about the present-day consequences of their past policies and deeds both in South Asia and West Asia. This is also not the time for India to adopt the high moral ground with a "I-told-you-so" attitude for we too are guilty of having fostered Frankensteins like Bhindranwale and Prabhakaran as deliberate instruments of state policy. India has to understand that September 11 has decisively changed the world and we just cannot afford to be non-aligned as we were during the Cold War.

To be sure, India's predicament is acute and there are no soft options. On the one hand, it can't allow the solid gains made in Indo-US ties over the past decade to dissipate. It cannot be insensitive to the fact that we have over 1.7 million Indians in America, a highly distinguished and accomplished community that has acquired great economic and political clout. On the other hand, we also cannot wish away the fact that we are the world's second-largest Muslim nation with a Muslim population now at about 125 million, quite apart from the two million or so Indians working in the Middle East who are remitting $6-7 billion of their savings back home every year.

We must certainly not succumb to the blackmailing fulminations of obscurantist Muslim religious leaders and organisations and must vigorously combat the activities of Pakistan's ISI in India. Yossef Bodansky, an American expert on terrorism, has described these activities and how they derive support from Osama bin Laden's own network in his 1999 book Bin Laden which is now enjoying renewed sales. Yet, at the same time, we cannot ignore mass Muslim sentiment altogether. Bodansky, incidentally, is perhaps the only analyst who uses the term "Islamist" instead of "Islamic" to make the distinction between the majority of Muslims and a minority comprising terrorists, a distinction of special significance in this country.

What then is the way out of this dilemma? How do we ensure that the US does not abandon India and how do we guarantee that whatever we do in its support-as indeed we must, both now and later-will not hurt social harmony in our society?

The answers to these questions lie in returning to basics and focusing on the three Ds-democracy, diversity and development. India has only one truly sustainable mantra-strengthen democracy, celebrate diversity and accelerate development.

Indian democracy faces its stiffest international challenge in the matter of Jammu and Kashmir. September 11 does not, in any way, diminish the importance of reinvigorating and broad-basing the political process in the state and vastly improving basic governance. India is a civilisation-state that has been defined by diversity. It is the respect of this diversity-actually of multiple diversities-that has kept us united and made us unique in the world. In recent years, nothing has hurt India's image more than premeditated attacks on innocent Christians by Hindu zealots who are as much enemies of the very idea of India as Muslim, Christian or Sikh fundamentalists. And nobody can ignore a country that records a broad based 7-8 per cent annual rate of economic growth consistently and intensifies its engagement with the global economy constructively.

(The author is with the Congress party. These are his personal views.)


 
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