October 08, 2001
Issue

 

COVER
    Islam's Buccaneers
With the United States prepared for a showdown with the Taliban militia in Afghanistan, the first big war of the 21st century is set to become a clash of civilisations. Pitted against the most modern superpower in the world is a country which revels in and looks forward to its medieval past.


 
PAKISTAN
   

Price Of A Deal
Musharraf may have bent backwards in a bid to make his country the standard bearer of the US in the region. Of course, there are financial rewards for Pakistan, but the fear of a fundamentalist backlash continues to keep the nation on tenterhooks.

 
AFGHANISTAN
 

Circle Of Death
Violence fuelled by bigotry and foreign money brought the Taliban to power. Now as things come full circle the Islamic militia may meet an equally brutal end.

 

 
IMAGES
 

Afghanistan 1978-2001
Its women once enjoyed social freedom, and there was joy and peace. It is now a country perverted by the missionaries of a grim utopia. A social history in pictures.

 
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COVER STORY: PAKISTAN

GUEST COLUM: MUSHAHID HUSSAIN
Overt Support, Covert Dissent

Washington's campaign to overthrow the Taliban regime has Islamabad worried

A fortnight after the devastation of September 11, Washington and Islamabad are keen to muffle the first voices of dissent in the carefully cobbled coalition against terrorism. At the core of any possible cleavage are competing interests over Afghanistan, particularly the scenario for "the day after". The key areas of divergence revolve around the role of the Northern Alliance in the anti-Taliban campaign and the new political dispensation to replace the Taliban.

 
 

UNEASY ALLIES: Pakistanis view the Taliban as a friendly regime

Pakistan Foreign Minister Abdul Sattar has bluntly warned that "we must not make the blunder of trying to foist a government on the people of Afghanistan". His comments came in the context of signals of covert "flirtation" between the US and the Northern Alliance. Earlier, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told TV networks on September 23 that the Afghans would be "better off" without the Taliban, a view echoed by President George W. Bush when he sought "the cooperation of citizens within Afghanistan who may be tired of having the Taliban in place". Later, the White House press secretary was trotted out to clarify that the US campaign against terrorism "is not designed to replace one regime with another".

Pakistan's concerns on this count are threefold. First, the anti-terrorism campaign should be limited to nabbing Osama bin Laden and his cohorts, not removing a regime perceived as "friendly" to Pakistan. Second, ensuring the Northern Alliance is not enlisted into the "get Osama" campaign since, in that case, it would surely be transformed into a "get Taliban" operation as well. And third, concerns that enlarging the US anti-terrorism agenda beyond its stated goal would generate instability and uncertainty in Afghanistan, inducing a refugee influx into Pakistan and adding to the 2.2 million already there. Pakistan could earn the Taliban's ire; that, in turn, may destabilise Pakistan given the Taliban's links with seminaries and politically active religious groups across the Durand Line.

The problem is that others in the region do not share this perspective. Turkey and Russia have publicly proclaimed their support for the Northern Alliance. Iran is not likely to shed tears for the Taliban's demise. Nor would China, whose intelligence experts recently met their US counterparts to share information on Afghanistan. The US seems to be working on a strategy that may be at variance with Pakistan. There has been a massive media-cum-psychological offensive to pressure the Taliban and tighten the political and diplomatic "noose", by the induction of military manpower and firepower in the region. The decision by the UAE and Saudi Arabia to break all ties with the Taliban has certainly added to the isolation the religious militia in Afghanistan feels.

Also, a more discreet intelligence-cum-political manoeuvre is under way to weaken the Taliban from within by inducing defections of key field commanders-a tactic the Taliban had used to capture power. In this game plan, the replacement of the regime is an American goal, although their preferred mechanism seems inducing a peaceful unravelling rather than defeating it militarily. The US contacts with former king Zahir Shah are apparently part of this process. This is likely to unfold in the coming weeks notwithstanding Pakistan's reservations.

(The author was Pakistan's information minister under Nawaz Sharif)


 
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