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October 08, 2001
Issue

 

COVER
    Islam's Buccaneers
With the United States prepared for a showdown with the Taliban militia in Afghanistan, the first big war of the 21st century is set to become a clash of civilisations. Pitted against the most modern superpower in the world is a country which revels in and looks forward to its medieval past.


 
PAKISTAN
   

Price Of A Deal
Musharraf may have bent backwards in a bid to make his country the standard bearer of the US in the region. Of course, there are financial rewards for Pakistan, but the fear of a fundamentalist backlash continues to keep the nation on tenterhooks.

 
AFGHANISTAN
 

Circle Of Death
Violence fuelled by bigotry and foreign money brought the Taliban to power. Now as things come full circle the Islamic militia may meet an equally brutal end.

 

 
IMAGES
 

Afghanistan 1978-2001
Its women once enjoyed social freedom, and there was joy and peace. It is now a country perverted by the missionaries of a grim utopia. A social history in pictures.

 
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VIEWPOINT: FIFTH COLUMN

Victims Of Proxy

Don't let politicians and clerics trigger our own clash of civilisations

Tavleen Singh

As we get closer to the first battle of what US President George W. Bush has called the "first war of the 21st century", we need to examine some of its uglier consequences for us in India. The ugliest of these in the view of this column is that Hindu-Muslim tensions, always bubbling ominously just below the surface of our "secular" national fabric, have once more come to the fore. Not violently yet but if Afghanistan is attacked, as it almost certainly will be, how long will it take for unscrupulous politicians and unwise religious leaders to exhort the poor and the semi-literate into action?

The Imam of Delhi's Jama Masjid, always reliable in these matters, has already started making trouble. Addressing a congregation at his mosque two Fridays ago, he said the US was the real villain of the piece and that their sympathies should be with their Muslim brethren in Afghanistan. This is dangerous talk. Osama bin Laden is not a hero in India. His Islamist warriors have been responsible for countless acts of terrorism in Kashmir and anyone who appears to be speaking for him instantly risks inciting Hindu outrage.

Sadly, the Imam is not the only Indian Muslim speaking for bin Laden. In the wake of the terrible events of September 11, I have met educated, refined Indian Muslims who inadvertently justify the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. They condemn these acts of terrorism, of course, but usually add that US policies in the rest of the world are largely responsible for what happened. And when they speak of bin Laden they incline towards the Taliban position of "what is the evidence that he was involved". Among less literate, more religiously charged Muslims, there is open support for bin Laden. I remember seeing him on the cover of an Urdu magazine in Hyderabad more than three years ago when he was relatively unknown. The magazine praised him, as I remember, for being a true Muslim hero.

These voices may not represent the majority opinion of the Muslim community but they tend to get heard more than others, strengthening the tacit Hindu view that all Muslims are fanatics. Since America's new war began, the view is becoming increasingly less tacit. Not since our present home minister and erstwhile Hindu charioteer set forth on his rathyatra to liberate Rama's temple in Ayodhya has there been so much anti-Muslim feeling evident in the Indian air. In elegant drawing rooms and in grubby streets these days a worryingly large number of Hindus openly speak about how pleased they are that the Americans have declared war on the Muslims. The US President has made every effort to clarify that his war is against terrorism and not Islam but when seen through average Hindu eyes, terrorism is synonymous with Islam and Pakistan. There is a certain irritation at the US seeking Pakistan's help in its war but also the conviction that after the Taliban have been decimated it will be Pakistan's turn to face America's wrath.

That in recent years terrorism in India has been largely Islamic does not help. Nor does the fact that Islamic fundamentalist groups have, as this magazine pointed out last week, proliferated alarmingly. Why outfits like the Armenian Secret Army for Liberation of Armenia or the Islamic Movement of Sudanese Students should have been allowed to open branches in India in the first place is a question the Home Ministry needs to answer.

There is much else that the Home Ministry needs to do. It needs, first and foremost, to try and win our battle against terrorism in Kashmir. The Americans are not going to come and win it for us. With the possibility of a war in Afghanistan, a solution in Kashmir acquires special urgency since it is in danger of becoming part of the extended battlefield.

The Home Minister then needs to take firm steps to eliminate fanatical organisations on both sides of the religious divide. It will not be possible to justify a ban on the Students Islamic Movement of India if the Bajrang Dal is allowed to roam free. There are signs that the BJP sees the growing Hindu-Muslim polarisation as a welcome development in view of elections in Uttar Pradesh. Before September 11, it was widely believed that the BJP would be lucky to come in third in the elections next year but now there is quiet jubilation in the ranks over the possibility that the anti-Muslim feeling could work to the party's advantage.

This is a short-sighted view. With the second-largest Muslim population in the world, encouraging anti-Muslim feelings is likely to achieve only violence, and with so much Islamic fundamentalism in the region, the possibility of terrorism on a whole new scale. With so much talk in the West about a clash of civilisations we need to be particularly careful that this dangerous idea does not acquire a frightening dimension in India. Much as we should be totally on America's side in its war against terrorism we need to be careful that India does not become an accidental victim of it.


 
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